Amazon Infrastructure Puts 68% of Indigenous Lands and Protected Areas at Risk: Report

Aggressors from Taker societies and their cohorts destroy the Amazon Forest in unprecedented way leading to catastrophe.
Photo credit: Fábio Garcia Moreira / ISA

By Jenny Gonzales - Mongabay - 28. June 2019

Already completed and proposed infrastructure projects, along with infrastructure investment plans, either directly threaten or put pressure on 68 percent of the indigenous lands and protected natural areas in the Amazon region, according to a newly published report prepared by the Amazonian Geo-referenced Socio-Environmental Information Network (RAISG), a group of specialists from NGOs and other organizations within six Amazon region countries.

The data sets are presented in the form of six maps, each corresponding to an infrastructure-related activity or practice present in the Amazon, including transport (ie. roads), energy (ie. hydroelectric dams), mining, oil, deforestation and fires. The 2019 edition takes account of development in the headwaters of Amazonian rivers, information not included in past reports. The nine nations evaluated are Brazil, Venezuela, Colombia, Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador, Guiana, Suriname and French Guiana.

RAISG reveals that, of the 6,345 indigenous territories located within the nine Amazonian countries surveyed, that 2,042 (32 percent) are threatened or pressured by two types of infrastructure activities, while 2,584 (41 percent) are threatened or pressured by at least one. Only 8 percent of the total are not threatened or pressured at all.

In the case of the 692 protected natural areas in the region, 193 (28 percent) suffer three kinds of threat or pressure, and 188 (27 percent) suffer threats or pressure from two activities.

"These are alarming numbers: 43 percent of the protected natural areas and 19 percent of the indigenous lands are under three or more types of pressure or threat. The data demonstrate that the implementation of infrastructure works in the region clash with the way of life of the people in those areas, as well as [with] the preservation of both," said Júlia Jacomini, a researcher with the ISA, Instituto Socioambiental, an NGO and RAISG partner.

Mining and oil pressures

According to RAISG, of the 390 million hectares (1.5 million square miles) officially protected by indigenous and natural areas in the nine Amazon nations, 87.2 million hectares (336,600 square miles), or 22 percent of the total, are subject to threat or pressure from mining and oil projects.

Among these countries, Brazil’s natural protected areas and indigenous reserves are seeing the greatest pressure from mining, with 108 million hectares (416,990 square miles) threatened. Venezuela is second, with 11.5 million hectares (44,401 square miles) under pressure. According to RAISG experts, although illegal mining is present in all Amazonian countries, the greatest environmental destruction comes from official projects supported by federal and regional governments.

Regarding oil development, Colombia, Bolivia, Peru and Brazil occupy the most Amazon territory, with a combined area under pressure of almost 58 million hectares (223,939 square miles). Oil exploration, drilling and transport have brought huge environmental damage to Peru and Ecuador, with 190 oil spills registered in the Peruvian Amazon between 1997 and 2016, according to Osinergmin, the country’s energy and mining investment oversight body. Those spills were mainly due to aging infrastructure at the most productive wells (mostly established during the 1970s which have not received proper maintenance), as well as to acts of vandalism.

Oil exploration in Ecuador – which accounts for 50 percent of the country's exports and 11 percent of its GDP – has resulted in more than 650,000 barrels of spilled oil and related deforestation, impacting 2 million hectares (7,722 square miles) since the 1970s.

Forests and savannas under threat – the Brazilian example

Between 2000 and 2015, according to RAISG, 10.3 million hectares (39,768 square miles) of Amazon forest was cut down within indigenous areas and protected areas, accounting for 12 percent of the total deforestation in all of Amazonia over that period.

Deforestation in conserved areas was heavily concentrated within several regions. In Brazil, for example, the states of Pará and Mato Grosso both are seeing extensive deforestation, with much of the pressure coming from land grabbers, the cattle and soy industries. Also seriously under pressure in Brazil are the Jaci-Paraná State Extractive Reserve, the Rio Pardo protection area (UC), and the Jaru Biological Reserve (in Rondônia state); the indigenous lands of the Yanomami people (in Roraima state); and the indigenous lands of the Guajajá and Guajajara peoples (in Maranhão state).

Threats to Brazilian protected areas and indigenous reserves are expected to worsen under the current government of rightist Jair Bolsonaro, which continues in its efforts to weaken environmental protections. On June 6, the president complained in his weekly broadcast that the nation’s constitution does not allow him to extinguish conservation units (UCs) by decree, and he protested that indigenous lands, the UCs, and quilombolas (communities of runaway slave descendants) hinder the economy of the northern region, including the Amazon.

Meanwhile, Brazil Environment Minister Ricardo Salles confirmed a plan to eliminate six of the 11 regional coordinators for ICMBio, the agency responsible for the country's 335 conservation units, which cover 9.1 percent of the national territory and 24.4 percent of its marine area. Salles' justification for the ICMBio staff reductions was cost: "The measure is being studied as a way to improve management, rationalize resources and create administrative efficiency," he said.

Another new threat to Brazil's protected lands: the Ministry of Agriculture recently issued a public bid offering 60 percent of Amapá National Forest for timber exploitation, an area covering 267,000 hectares (1,030 square miles) in the Amazon basin. The Brazilian Forest Service (SFB), recently shifted to the Agriculture Ministry, expects the concession to produce 132,000 cubic meters (4,661 cubic feet) of timber, and to generate R$ 3.6 million (US$ 0.9 million) annually.

Terra Livre Mobilization Propels Brazil's Indigenous Movement to the Forefront of Resistance to Bolsonaro

Roads, dams and fires

More than 136,000 kilometers (84,000 miles) of roads have been built by governments in the Pan-Amazon region up to 2018, of which 26,000 kilometers (16,000 miles) are located within protected areas, with 9,100 kilometers (5,654 miles) located on indigenous lands and 16,900 kilometers (10,501 miles) within other conserved nature areas.

RAISG points to studies identifying the key role that these roads play in the advancement of deforestation in the Brazilian Amazon. One study, "Space-time dynamics of deforestation in Brazilian Amazonia," shows that most of Amazonia’s deforestation has occurred near roads, with about 90 percent of native vegetation loss happening within a distance of 100 kilometers (62 miles) from a road network. A 2014 study, "Roads, deforestation, and the mitigating effect of protected areas in the Amazon,” found that 94.9 percent of the deforestation in the Brazilian Amazon occurred within 5.5 kilometers (3.4 miles) of roads, and one kilometer (0.62 mile) from rivers.

RAISG cartographic data also indicates that of the 272 large hydroelectric dams either in operation, under construction or planned for Amazonia, 78 are within indigenous territories and 84 are in protected areas. Brazil has a large number of planned dams, which are listed within the National Electric Energy Agency's portfolio, according to geographer Jacomini.

Fires occurring in Amazonia, while sometimes natural in cause, are more frequently a product of land development – with fire utilized by land speculators to clear forest and increase property value for sale to cattle ranchers or industrial agribusiness. Fire is also used by land grabbers as a way of intimidating indigenous and rural communities, and a means of forcing them to give up their Amazon land claims. Forest degradation and droughts due to the escalating climate crisis have also added to fire risk.

Bolivia is one of the countries that most suffered from fires between 2005 and 2018, losing 18.7 million hectares (72,201 square miles) of Cerrado savanna biome and Amazon forests. 2010 saw the largest losses there, when fires associated with drought raged over more than 8.5 million hectares (32,818 square miles).

Of the 13 million hectares (50,193 square miles) of forest burned on indigenous lands in the Pan-Amazon between 2000 and 2014, eight million hectares (30,888 square miles) occurred in Brazil (61 percent of the total). And of the 11 million hectares (42,471 square miles) burned in protected areas, seven million (27,027 square miles) were in Brazil (63 percent).

"The central point of this study is to show the need of acquiring an integral vision of the region to fight the destruction that has been taking place," concluded Jacomini. Threats need to be clearly articulated "among the Amazonian countries [in order to] create cooperative initiatives, otherwise it will be very difficult to mitigate those impacts.

"The Amazon is a region shared by nine countries. If some of them implement effective deforestation control policies and others do not, the whole region will keep suffering. An oil spill that occurs in one country, for example, will cause impacts in neighboring countries, as we are talking about a region with interconnected ecosystems," she said

The participating organizations in the newest RAISG study included ISA and Imazon (Brazil); the Friends of Nature Foundation (Bolivia); Gaia Amazonas (Colombia), the Ecuadorian Foundation for Ecological Studies (Ecuador), The Common Good Institute (Peru), Provita and the Amazonian Socio-environmental Working Group – Wataniba (Venezuela).


Chevron's Corrupt Legal Practices Called Out by Leading Human Rights and Environmental NGOs

By Paul Paz y Miño - June 25, 2019

Photo credit: Amazon Watch

A single U.S. federal judge – one who refused to consider the evidence of Chevron's toxic contamination in the Amazon, who rejected pleas for a jury trial, and who based his decision on the testimony of a witness he knew to be corrupt (and was paid millions by Chevron to testify) – is enabling Chevron's shocking abuse of the legal system in its ongoing effort to stop anyone seeking justice for its admitted crimes in Ecuador. The human rights community is standing up to say, "Enough!"

That judge, Lewis Kaplan, is now threatening to arrest and jail human rights attorney Steven Donziger for his refusal to turn over his passport, laptop, cell phone, and even his email passwords to the court, which would in turn give Chevron access to them. Despite its underhanded victory in its fraudulent RICO SLAPP suit against Donziger and the Ecuadorians (in which it claimed to be the true victim, despite deliberately poisoning the lands and drinking water of 30,000 Ecuadorians), the company is still seeking to intimidate and silence those who continue to fight for a clean-up in Ecuador.

That's why Chevron was declared Corporate Bully of the Year by the Protect the Protest coalition, a group of NGOs whose mission is to defend the rights of individuals and organizations from corporate SLAPP attacks. Now Amnesty International, Greenpeace USA, and a host of other NGOs who focus on corporate accountability and human rights are calling for the Department of Justice to investigate Chevron's corrupt legal actions and the unprecedented circumstances of the RICO case and Kaplan's ruling. If Chevron intended to shut everyone up by applying more intimidation tactics, they have only succeeded in producing the opposite result.

The letter sent this week in support of previous demands by Global Witness and Amazon Watch states:

"We... write to join the demand by Global Witness that the U.S. Department of Justice open an investigation of Chevron Corporation and its attorneys based on credible evidence of apparently corrupt conduct related to retaliatory litigation targeting Ecuadorian plaintiffs in the Lago Agrio case and human rights lawyer and activist Steven Donziger.

"...It is also extremely concerning to us that Chevron has been able to leverage this apparently paid and largely false witness testimony to target the reputation of Mr. Donziger, who has worked for more than two decades with the affected communities in Ecuador to try to hold Chevron accountable for what is considered one of the worst oil-related environmental disasters on the planet."

DOJ support letterAs we have detailed many times, Chevron (then operating as Texaco) deliberately dumped 16 billion gallons of toxic waste in the Ecuadorian Amazon over the course of 26 years, and it did so to save about $3 per barrel. The company admitted to the deliberate contamination, attempted to work out a sham deal to "clean up" by paying $40 million to the government of Ecuador and dumping some dirt over a small number of the nearly 1000 unlined open-air waste pits, and then called it a day. After years of waging an epic civil suit, the actual people harmed by Chevron won a $9.5 billion verdict to pay for a clean-up and health care for the people affected by decades of toxic contamination.

Chevron has refused to pay the judgment and now it even denies the existence of the overwhelming scientific evidence against it. How on Earth are they able to make this claim with a straight face? The answer should worry every single individual concerned with corporate power, environmental protection, and human rights.

Chevron used its unlimited resources to fabricate a countersuit and – after forum shopping for years – successfully orchestrated one in a court which would ignore the facts of the contamination, had zero understanding of Ecuadorian law, and would base its decision on the key witness for Chevron. This witness was a disgraced ex-judge named Alberto Guerra, who lost his judgeship for accepting multiple bribes and who had pennies in his bank account at the time, was paid millions for his testimony by Chevron, and who was coached by its lawyers for 53 days before testifying.

The facts of Chevron's sham RICO case have been reported many times before, but what's new here is that Chevron is trying to use the discredited decision to block any future action against it anywhere and to intimidate those still supporting Donziger and the case and prevent him from continuing to work on enforcement of the Ecuadorian judgment outside of the U.S. (something Kaplan previously said his judgment did not preclude).

It's critical to remember that Guerra admitted that he lied in Kaplan's court after the judgment was issued and that verifiable forensic evidence disproving Chevron's dubious claims that someone else "ghost wrote" the Ecuadorian judgment were never reviewed by any U.S. court. No other judge but Kaplan reviewed his findings of "facts," which pointedly excluded any evidence of the actual contamination or its effects

It could not have been more obvious that Guerra was corrupt. In fact, transcripts of testimony of him negotiating his bribe with Chevron reveal that he actually said on tape: "Money talks, but gold screams."

Furthermore, every judge who has reviewed the substantial evidence in Ecuador has ruled against Chevron and even its own leaked internal videos show that the company knew its clean-up was a sham years before the Ecuadorian judgment was issued and affirmed by its highest court.

For all these reasons it's critical that another U.S. entity investigate the abuse of the U.S. legal system, the corrupt acts of Chevron and their lawyers, and the abuse of power by Judge Kaplan. The implications of this precedent would mean that a corporation could commit heinous acts of destruction, openly pay a witness to lie in its defense, fabricate evidence, and then with the cooperation of a single, clearly biased judge, use a judgment to silence anyone who denounces their obvious crimes. Internal Chevron emails from 2009 revealed that its strategy was to "demonize Donziger", and it continues that scheme today. What signal would it send to the rest of the human rights community if Chevron is allowed to get away with such extreme acts of corruption to silence critics? Who would take on Chevron the next time it commits similar acts elsewhere?

Chevron's lie about the legitimate Ecuadorian verdict is the basis for its ongoing violations of human rights, and Steven Donziger is the latest victim. The human rights and environmental community – represented by Amnesty International, Global Witness, Greenpeace USA, Rainforest Action Network, Amazon Watch and others – is demanding Chevron's transgressions be investigated and stopped. To quote the Protect The Protest coalition: "An attack on one of us is an attack on all of us."

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