By AFP - 08.
Washington – The Pentagon has been issuing near daily announcements of new strikes against Al-Shabaab militants in Somalia, seemingly without affecting the Al-Qaeda affiliate’s ability to destabilize the country, in what is looking like a new “endless war” for the United States.
The Trump administration’s plans to reduce its military presence in Africa while re-centering its efforts toward two key strategic competitors — China and Russia — are coming at the expense of French-led operations against jihadists in the Sahel region.
So far, however, the war of attrition against the Al-Shabaab has continued unabated.
“Al-Shabaab is one of the biggest threats on the continent; they have aspirations to attack the (US) homeland,” General Roger Cloutier, commander of US land forces in Africa, recently declared.
“The danger that they pose has to be taken very, very seriously,” he said during a recent Pentagon conference call. “So we are focused hard on Al-Shabaab.”
The US Africa Command (Africom) on Friday announced an air strike on a Shabaab target near the town of Qunyo Barrow, in southern Somalia. One Shabaab fighter was killed, the statement said.
It was the 20th strike against the Islamist insurgents by US forces in Somalia since the start of the year, after 64 strikes in 2019 and 43 in 2018, according to data from the New America policy center in Washington.
“The phrase that people use is ‘continue to mow the lawn,’ right? Pull the weeds,” US Defense Secretary Mark Esper explained late last year, in reference to air strikes against jihadists in Libya and Somalia.
“And that means, every now and then you have to do these things to stay on top of it so that a threat doesn’t grow, doesn’t resurge,” he said.
But Shabaab militants are estimated to number between 5,000 and 9,000, so even if US forces continued to eliminate one or two of their fighters every day, it could take years to kill them all — assuming that no replacements are recruited.
That makes it sound a lot like the sort of “endless war” that US President Donald Trump detests.
In a first public report on the US military operation in Somalia published in February, the Pentagon’s acting inspector general, Glenn Fine, recalled that part of Africom’s stated mission is to ensure that by 2021, Shabaab, the Islamic State in Somalia and other terrorist groups have been sufficiently “degraded such that they cannot cause significant harm to US interests.”
But, Fine wrote, “despite continued US airstrikes in Somalia and US assistance to African partner forces, Al-Shabaab appears to be a growing threat that aspires to strike the US homeland.”
The inspector general’s office operates independently within the Pentagon.
In fact, on January 5, Shabaab militants attacked a US-Kenyan military base in Lamu in southeastern Kenya near the border with Somalia, killing three Americans.
Earlier, on December 28, Shabaab fighters led one of the deadliest attacks of the decade in Somalia when a booby-trapped vehicle exploded at a busy checkpoint in the capital Mogadishu, killing 81 people.
Some US officials have expressed concern over the lack of tangible results in a war that many Americans know nothing of, a war waged largely by aerial drones and a small force of elite ground troops.
General Stephen Townsend, Africom’s commander, defended the US strategy when questioned in January by members of the Senate Armed Services Committee.
“I don’t believe that it’s whack-a-mole,” or a futile and unwinnable game, he told lawmakers. “We’re looking for ways to reduce their capacity wherever we can.”
Catherine Besteman of the Watson Institute, a research center at Brown University that each year calculates the cost of US wars, concluded in a report last year that foreign military intervention “has not ameliorated the impact of Al-Shabaab activities and, if anything, has augmented its ability to control the local population.”
She said that Shabaab benefit from a war economy by extorting locals and siphoning off international aid sent to the impoverished country.
Amnesty International has reported that US air strikes have claimed many civilian lives, something the US military has denied.
Amnesty said in a 2019 report that US air strikes — which it said sometimes indiscriminately targets both Shabaab and civilians — had resulted in the deaths of farmers, workers and even children.
The group accused the US military of showing “appalling disregard for civilians.”
Following an internal inquiry, the US forces did admit to responsibility for civilian casualties in one attack: the deaths of a woman and a child in a strike near the central town of El Buur in April 2018.
President Uhuru Kenyatta on Sunday agreed to send a delegation of security chiefs to meet his Somali counterpart Mohamed Farmaajo, in a move that signals a climbdown in tensions between the two countries over an alleged border intrusion.
The delegation led by Interior Cabinet Secretary Fred Matiang’i left for Mogadishu following a week that saw the Somalia National Army battle Jubbaland forces in Bula Hawa near Mandera County.
The fighting by forces traditionally united against Al-Shabaab militants saw Kenya and Somalia accuse each other of territorial integrity violations.
But pressure from the US, and a subtle mediation by Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed saw the two leaders speak on phone on Thursday, and announce that committees would be formed to discuss border security.
A source said that following the request by the US, which has funded the SNA, the Prime Minister called Farmaajo and asked him to speak directly with President Kenyatta.
A direct call, it was presumed, would help deescalate the tensions which observers had warned could benefit the militants.
Confirming the President’s directive, Dr Matiang’i tweeted on Sunday, “Following the recent wave of security challenges along the Kenya-Somalia border, some senior state officers and I have been dispatched by President Kenyatta to meet his counterpart [Farmaajo], with a view to ironing out the persistent cross-border issues.”
Kenya and Somalia had rocky relations most of last year especially since Somalia refused to withdraw a maritime boundary case at the International Court of Justice.
The ICJ will hear, and decide, the case this June but it remains uncertain whether that will close the chapter on the issue that has put the two neighbouring states at loggerheads, especially since there are political connotations to it.
In February, Kenya angered Somalia by harbouring fugitive Jubbaland security minister Abdirashid Hassan Abdinur.
A well-placed security source in Mandera said the minister entered Kenya through Bula Hawa, narrowly escaping Somalia security forces that had been chasing him.
The fighting between Somalia’s forces, amid an alleged plan to capture the minister, resulted in at least 10 injuries in Mandera but the National Police Service assured security.
It was reported that the FGS forces made a significant move into Kenya, forcing the Kenya Defence Forces to advise the Jubbaland forces to pull back.
Mandera’s leaders are concerned that their people will suffer serious consequences should the tensions between the two countries persist.
About two weeks ago, 11 Kenyan parliamentarians from the North Eastern region went on a secret mission to Somalia, reportedly to discuss security and other matters.
US airstrikes in Somalia almost equal those conducted in Iraq, Syria
By GO -
MOGADISHU, Somalia - The US has increased the rate of airstrikes targeting Al-Shabaab in Somalia, almost equaling those conducted in Syria and Iraq this year against ISIS militants, in what could raise eyebrows on the war against terror in East Africa.
Previously, the US has been subjected to criticism for "being too soft" against the Al-Shabaab militants, who are keen to topple the fragile UN-backed Somalia government. Al-Shabaab, who is linked to Al-Qaida, has been in existence since 2008.
Throughout their terror and sophisticated raids, the militants have often targeted security forces and foreigners, although over 4,000 Muslims mainly in Somalia have been killed.
By March 9, US African Command had conducted 25 airstrikes this year in Somalia. Monday's drone attack left four militants dead at the vicinity of Janaale in Lower Shebelle, officials said.
Data released to VOA by a U.S. defense official show the U.S. carried out 29 airstrikes against Islamic State in Iraq and Syria from January 1 to March 1, the latest date in which strike data was available. A full strike report from Operation Inherent Resolve is expected later this week.
Strikes in Iraq and Syria have significantly tapered off since the territorial defeat of the Islamic State caliphate last March.
With the airstrikes almost at par, the records reveal US' seriousness in eliminating the militants, who have caused havoc in East Africa for over a decade now. It also shows that the Pentagon is keen to establish a functional state in Somalia.
Last week, the US military confirmed the death of Bashir Qorgab, the Al-Shabaab commander linked to deadly Manda Airfield raid in Kenya early this year. He was killed by a drone strike in Saakow Middle Juba, officials said.
But despite the significant progress made through the airstrikes, Al-Shabaab militants insist that most casualties are "innocent civilians". Ali Dhere, the group's spokesman, claimed that 82 percent of victims were "poor farmers" in Somalia.
US Africa Command, however, despite the few numbers of suspected militants succumbing to the airstrikes, insists that "elimination of even one terrorist is important" for the safety of people.
"Airstrikes are preventative measures to ensure al-Shabab does not increase in size and strength," AFRICOM spokesman Maj. Karl Weiss told VOA on Monday.
"That said, airstrikes and kinetic operations are not the command's primary effort in Somalia; our core activity is the training of Somali security forces."
Southern and central Somalia have been frequent targets for the US military. The militants took refuge in the remote villages after losing Mogadishu to allied forces in 2011.
Of significance is that the militants are now said to be moving to urban centers due to frequent raids in the villages. The US does not target towns due to the heavy presence of civilians, AFRICOM said.
AFRICOM Commander Gen. Stephen Townsend has said al-Shabab is the "largest and most violent" of al-Qaida's branches worldwide.
Defense officials have stressed that while al-Shabab does not possess the capability to strike the U.S. homeland, the group has the intent to do so.
"It is important to impact their ability to threaten peace and security in East Africa and prevent their threats against the U.S. from being a reality," Townsend said in a press release last month.
There have been plans to downscale US troops in Africa, a move which has, however, met resistance from sections of politicians in Washington. There are about 6,000 troops in Africa, with about 500 serving in Somalia.
Mark Esper, the Defense Secretary, however, insisted that "downsizing doesn't mean complete withdrawal" in his recent defense. President Donald Trump is keen to trim America's presence in proxy wars.
On Monday, AFRICOM observed that the airstrikes are "not ultimate solution" for Somalia's stability, adding that "we have initiated development plans through the US embassy in Mogadishu".
Al-Shabaab has been keen to raid the US bases. In September last year, they failed to break through the Ballidogle army base. However, they managed to kill three Americans at Manda Airfield in Kenya, which is manned by the Marine Corps.
By Basillioh Mutahi - 07.
Hundreds of residents of Mandera in north-eastern Kenya near Somalia have fled the area in the aftermath of clashes between warring troops across the border.
This comes a day after the Kenyan and Somali presidents spoke by phone and agreed to resolve the escalating tensions between the two countries.
President Uhuru Kenyatta and his counterpart Mohamed Abdullahi “Farmaajo” spoke on Thursday, after the Kenyan leader accused Somalia of an “unwarranted attack” on its territory.
The Kenyan president was referring to clashes between Somali government forces and its regional troops in Bula Hawa, which spilled across the border into Mandera.
He warned Somalia to stop provoking Kenya by violating its territorial integrity, saying the Somali army had fought on Kenyan land, creating tension and harassing residents.
A week ago, Somalia accused Kenya of meddling in its internal affairs and warned it to stop its encroachment in the border areas. Kenya denied the claims as “baseless and invalid”.
The two leaders have now agreed to work together to improve border security, and form two committees drawn from both countries to look into strengthening diplomatic and trade relations.
According to a statement from Somalia’s presidential team, the committees would also look into strengthening diplomatic and trade relations.
Will the calm last?
Dr Hassan Khannenje, the director of the the Horn International Institute of Strategic Studies in Nairobi, says while the call was an attempt to de-escalate the situation, the calm is unlikely to last.
Dr Khannenje says that while the situation may calm down for now, it could blow up again at any time, especially because of the ongoing maritime boundary dispute.
He also says the fundamental political issues in Somalia, including the al-Shabab question, will not be resolved any time soon.
In the meantime, tension remains high along the border, with the warring troops still present.
So what are the issues that have soured Somalia’s relations with Kenya in recent times?
The maritime dispute
The two countries have been locked in a long-running dispute over sovereignty of an oil-rich area in the Indian Ocean,
Both countries claim the area – thought to contain large deposits of oil and gas.
Kenya has argued the sea border should be drawn parallel to the line of latitude, while Somalia saying it should be extended in the same direction as its land border.
The two were unable to settle the matter out of court, ultimately referring the matter to the International Court of Justice (ICJ), which Mr Mohamed insisted should be the ultimate arbiter.
Kenya had favoured a negotiated settlement, arguing the court system would not address the political issues around the case.
The international court is expected to rule on the maritime dispute in June.
The al-Shabab threat
The political and security situation in Somalia has also played a role in escalating the diplomatic row between the two countries.
Somalia has experienced almost constant conflict since the collapse of its central government in 1991.
The government in Mogadishu has been unable to exert muchcontrol over the regional governments, which run almost autonomously.
Al-Shabab, which has links to al-Qaeda, remains active in many rural areas.
Kenya is one of several countries to have deployed troops as part of the African Union Mission in Somalia (Amisom), which is helping the Somali government battle al-Shabab.
But al-Shabab continues to carry out attacks in both the country and its neighbours, including Kenya.
At least 80 people died in a bomb blast in December in Mogadishu and there have been other deadly attacks since then.
The Somali government has been accused of spending too much on disputes with regional governments in Jubbaland, Puntland, South West and Galmudug, rather than tackling the threat from al-Shabab.
Who does Kenya support in Somalia?
Kenya backs the administration of Ahmed Mohamed Islam better known as “Madobe” in Jubbaland, because of its own security and regional interests.
Kenya has its troops under Amisom deployed in Jubbaland together with Ethiopia, and has been keen to have the region, which stretches right along its 700km- (430 mile) border with Somalia, as a buffer zone against al-Shabab.
Last year, Mr Madobe was supported by Kenya to win his election bid as the regional president, against opposition from President Mohamed and Ethiopia.
The Somali government then imposed air travel restrictions between Kismayo, Jubbaland’s biggest city, and Mogadishu, which badly affected business in the state, as ground transport is unsafe because of al-Shabab.
Somalia’s leader has a close interest in who is in power in the states, as they determine the people who pick the MPs from the state, who in turn elect the president.
This may change as Mr Mohamed recently signed a historic law that paves the way for the country to hold its first one-person-one vote election in half a century, although this may not be possible in all areas because of the security situation.
The wanted minister
The latest clashes in Mandera come against a background of simmering tensions between the two countries.
In the latest incident, Somalia accused Kenya of harbouring Jubbaland security minister Abdirashid Janan Hassan Abdinur, who is said to have escaped from a Mogadishu prison on 28 January.
The regional minister, who is accused of committing grave human rights violations and killing civilians in Gedo, Somalia, had been in detention for four months awaiting trial.
Amnesty International had asked Kenyan authorities to “immediately arrest and hand him over to the Federal Government of Somalia”.
Amnesty also accused the Jubbaland administration of shielding him from facing justice.
“The Jubaland administration, including President Ahmed Mohamed Islam, who has repeatedly called for Abdirashid’s release from detention, must desist from shielding him from facing justice upon his return,” it said.
So this week the Somali government deployed contingents of troops from Mogadishu at the border near Mandera town in Kenya, where the minister was said to be hiding.
It prompted the face-off with a militia group loyal to the minister and Jubbaland troops who were protecting him.
For now, the presidential phone call seems to have de-escalated the situation.
But it is far from clear whether it has resolved the many outstanding issues between the two neighbours.
For the first time in the past three years, the United Nations Secretary General (UNSG) and members of the UN Security Council (UNSC) have collectively expressed their disapproval and disappointment for the protracted political impasse and conflicts President Farmajo has engendered in Somalia immediately after his election and they have called for quick end. In press statement issued on 28 February 2020, the UNSC called on Somali stakeholders at all levels “to refrain from increasing tensions and taking actions likely to make dialogue more difficult, including those against the letter and spirit of the provisional federal constitution of Somalia,” and “to engage in broad based consultations and consensus building between the federal government and all federal member states (FMS).”
Unfortunately, the UNSC’s calls fall on deaf ears and the question is, “to whom the calls are primarily directed?” I believe the calls are first and foremost directed to the President of the Federal Republic of Somalia, H.E. Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo who has the responsibility to defend and protect the respect of the Provisional Constitution and Rule of Law. But President Farmajo remains oblivious to UNSC’s calls to end the political impasse and conflicts raging in Somalia.
The calls provide hints of the sources of the political impasse and conflicts and are in agreement with the joint call of the Presidents of Puntland and Jubbaland, Said Deni and Ahmed Madobe for a national consultative conference to discuss the dire situation of Somalia. All calls imply the sense of hopelessness towards president Farmajo’s leadership for steering the country to national reconciliation, unity, and respect of the rule of law for a responsible government.
On February 24, 2020 the UNSC met to discuss the UNSG’s informative report No S/2020/121 dated 13 February 2020 describing the political, security, and humanitarian situation in Somalia during the period November 5, 2019 and February 4, 2020. The 6 page remark of the Special Representative of UNSG, (SRSG) James Swan introducing the report to the UNSC highlighted the 5.2 million Somalis in need of humanitarian assistance, the devastating effects of desert locust outbreak that infested many regions, the few military operations against Al Shabab that prevented the reopening of main supply routes between Mogadishu and cities in Southwest and Hirshabelle states, and many key national priorities.
The report informs the UNSC and the international Community at large the political impasse between the federal government and FMS going on for more than a year which impeded progress on all key national priorities such as the implementation of the national security architecture, the transition plan, the finalization of the constitution, the delivery of meaningful financial reforms, the preparation of peaceful, transparent, timely, credible, free and fair one person one vote election in 2020, the deepening of federal system of governance, and the degrading of the fighting and influence capability of terrorist groups.
The political impasse could derail the symbolic meetings of the finance ministers necessary for moving the debt relief process ahead. In fact, Puntland and Jubbaland states are planning to suspend the participation of their ministries in all meetings between the federal government and FMS. The federal government wasted three valuable years for pursuing narrow political interests rather than national interests.
The report provides statistical data about the increasing number of violent attacks carried out by the terrorist groups during the three month period and acknowledges that “Al Shabab retains the ability to conduct large scale attacks in Mogadishu and to generate significant revenue through extortion as well as to conduct operations beyond Somalia borders.” It reports the increase of checkpoints in Mogadishu while Mogadishu residents are protesting against the old checkpoints that depressed the livelihood of the city. It describes the frustration of international partners about the problematic transfer of security ownership from African Forces (AMISOM) to the Somali security forces because of the high risk for quick reversal of the hard earned gains in the past 10 years due to the ineffectiveness of the Somali Security Forces. This is to say that Somalia has lost critical years for rebuilding capable reliable Somali security forces.
Furthermore, the report mentions the boycott of Ahlu Sunna Wal Jama (ASWJ) and four Presidential aspirants in Galmudug elections accusing the federal government of controlling the process. In particular, the report quoted the appeals made to all political actors involved in Galmudug and Jubbaland elections to engage in dialogue, to refrain from violence and to avoid divisions that will be exploited by al Shabab. In corroboration, the Political Coordinator of US Mission at the UN, Rodney Hunter, expressed appreciation that boycotting candidates refrained from violence and demonstrated commitment to a peaceful, negotiated reconciliation process. He emphatically said that the deployment of government forces in Gedo for a politically motivated offensive is unacceptable. He agreed with many that the federal government takes the blame for the flawed elections in southwest, Jubbaland and Galmudug states.
Unfortunately, the federal government rejected negotiated reconciliation and decided use of force against opposition groups. Indeed, for preemptive purpose, Special Forces of the federal government trained by Turkish Government attacked ASWJ base in Dhusamareb and forced ASWJ leaders and defenders to surrender or face massacre with lethal weapons supplied for the war against terrorism. The leaders of ASWJ capitulated and accepted to exit from the political space.
The federal government remains silent about the number of people killed and wounded, and the level of the destruction of properties in Dhusamareb offensive that continued for 48 hours. This is evidence for the lack of government accountability in Somalia. The U.S. diplomatic intervention in Galmudug election disputes for mediation is murky.
To break the political impasse, UN led delegation composed of representatives of UN, EU, and IGAD, visited the FMS capitals where they met political leaders, civil society, officials from the executive, parliamentarians and other key stakeholders. The delegation briefed President Farmajo on its findings and urged him to resume dialogue for reconciliation and consensus building with FMS. But President Farmajo ignored the advice and engendered armed conflict in Jubbaland and Galmudug.
The SRSG appealed to all Somali stakeholders for the urgent need to work together in the national interest. But the SRSG appeal remains inconsequential in the face of emerging bleak reality. In an article published in the WardheerNews Website, Faisal Roble, well known Horn of Africa political analyst exposed the overlooked “Farmajo Doctrine,” based on “Might is Right,” to which “US Government and United Nations remained oblivious for too long.” Farmajo’s doctrine aspires to revenge against anyone who humiliated or criticized him, to marginalize anyone who demonstrate integrity and independence minded, and to imitate to the cult leadership of late Mohamed Siad Barre, leader of the military regime and late Ahmed Godane, leader of Al Shabab for their oppressive and secrecy ruling.
The SRSG expressed concern about the possibility of interrupting the regular peaceful transfer of power accustomed in the past. One of the reasons underpinning SRSG concern is the impractical electoral law signed by President Farmajo on 20 February 2020 and the absence of clear political will and credible preparation for the holding of free and fair one person-one vote election in 2020. He also expressed concern about “the lack of political space and debate essential for political candidates, journalists, civil society and international partners to engage frankly in the political discourse.”
The international partners of Somalia are now supporting a federal government determined to commit all kinds of human rights violations and crimes against its people. This is against the international principle of “responsibility to protect” all people from genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. Somalia as one of the fragile states, under chapter VII of the UN Charter deserves clear international commitment to ensure that human rights law and democratic system of governance are adhered to without ambiguity.
Dr. Mohamud M. Uluso can be reached via
Somalia informs UNSC and the international community that Somalia’s “hard-earned progress with the help of international community is today jeopardized by the negative, anti-peace actions by the Kenyan Government.”
By Ali Mohamoud Hayow - 29. February 2020
On Thursday, February 27th 2020 before the United Nations Security Council in New York, Somalia Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Ambassador Abukar Osman critically informed the international community before the UNSC that the Republic of Kenya has been deeply immersed in a continues, destabilizing, negative anti-peace campaign in Somalia. Amb. Abukar Osman ended with a warning issued to the Government of Kenya to cease all its anti-peace efforts in Somalia or his Government will be forced to invoke UN Charter Article 35: bringing an official, formal case against Kenya before the UNSC.
In this article, I shall endeavor to discuss the facts concerning this declaration and warning by the Federal Government of Somalia. The strong language utilized by the Government of Somalia before UNSC underscores the utter seriousness of the Kenya’s threat to Somalia’s security and peace. The Ambassador summarized this threat Somalia peace and security faces from the current Government of Kenya as follows:
“I [Amb. Abukar Osman] would like to bring a report to [UNSC] on an urgent matter that poses a serious threat to our [Somalia] peace and security. The Federal Government of Somalia has exhausted all diplomatic means for the Government of Kenya to refrain from actions that pose a threat to the historical relations between our the two nations. Kenya continues to be a consistent destabilizing force in Somalia off setting and negating in its engagement in AMISOM: Kenya’s brash interference in Somalia’s domestic affairs, its blatant breach of Somalia’s sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence and unity. Furthermore, Kenya’s continues encroachment on Somalia border areas out rightly undermines our stability and sovereignty. Our hard-earned progress with the help of international community is today jeopardized by the negative, anti-peace actions by the Kenyan Government. These destabilizing actions not only negatively impact Somalia but they are anti-thesis to the objectives of regional and global peace, in clear violations of United Nations Article 2, Paragraph 4.”
Somalia’s internal affairs and most importantly, its sovereignty should not be victim to the negative, anti-peace decisions and actions boldly taken by a democratic, neighbor country with whom Somalia shares diplomatic ties. As Amb. Osman keenly noted, “Kenya’s anti-peace actions in Somalia do not only affect the stability of Somalia, but place untold pressure on and are antithesis to the objectives of regional and global peace.” The events below carefully described are actions taken by Kenya that are clear violations of the United Nations Charter. If Somalia were to invoke UN Charter Article 35, the facts below would condemn Kenya.
In August 2019, Ahmed ‘Madobe’ Mohamed Islam, then the leader of Jubaland State of Somalia held an event that he categorized as an election, which severely failed to meet the standards for fair and free elections – a fact recognized categorically by the Federal Government of Somalia and its international partners, including the United Nations. In October 2019, having refused to hold fair and free elections, Ahmed ‘Madobe’ held an event which he classified as his inauguration. The Speaker of Kenya’s Parliament, Aden Bare Duale, attended this event after being explicitly informed by the Federal Government of Somalia that he could not travel to Somalia for this purpose. As the third most senior official in the Government of Kenya, Aden Bare Duale’s illegal entry into Somalia constituents a blatant, premeditated breach of Somalia’s sovereignty.
Furthermore, his presence was a deliberate attempt by Kenya to legitimize the internationally unrecognized ‘election’ and ‘inauguration’ of Ahmed ‘Madobe.’ Ahmed ‘Madobe’ anti-democratic initiatives are forceful measures to completely silence the desires of the people of Jubaland. Kenya’s support of Ahmed ‘Madobe’ is a grand interference of Somalia’s internal affairs and a strike to weaken the democratic institutions of Somalia. Given Somalia’s fragile history and struggle with Civil War, the international community should address Kenya’s purposeful attempts to cripple the democratic institutions of a country emerging from conflict.
The former administration of Jubaland State, which Kenya is a staunch material supporter, and Kenyan security forces, including Kenyan members of AMISOM, have been widely documented in international media to be deeply engaged in hundreds of millions of USD illegal sugar and charcoal trade that is the financial backbone of Al-Shabaab’s terrorist activities.
“A confidential report by U.N. monitors accuses Kenyan soldiers in the African Union peacekeeping force in Somalia of facilitating illegal charcoal exports from the port city of Kismayu, a business that generates millions of dollars a year for Islamic militants seeking to topple the government.”(Reuters)
It is clearly evident that a financial healthy Al-Shabaab will never be eradicated from existence. Finances will tend to the organizational wounds afflicted by military operations. Al-Shabaab is flourishing due to its ability to rein freely in Jubaland State, the regions under the administration of Ahmed ‘Madobe,’ who is supported by Kenya. Furthermore, Amnesty International and the UN Somalia and Eritrea Monitoring Group have uncovered the horrendous crimes against humanity and war crimes committed by war criminal and fugitive Abdirashid Janan, the Security Minister of the former administration of Ahmed ‘Madobe.’ War criminal and fugitive Abdirashid Janan has been reported by Amnesty International to be in Kenya. The Government of Somalia has asked Kenya for his speedy return. He is reported to be in Mandera with a standing army threatening to attack Federal Government of Somalia troops across the Kenya-Somalia border. Kenya’s utter reluctance to cooperate with the Somalia Government to arrest a documented war criminal can only be interpreted as another instance of the Government of Kenya’s anti-peace endeavors with regards to Somalia, continuing the unfortunate legacy of Somalia’s neighbor in destabilizing that nation. In accordance to the United Nations Charter Article 35 (1), Somalia warns Kenya that Somalia shall bring its case against Kenya’s breach of Somalia’s sovereignty and other destabilizing actions taken by Kenya to the United Nations Security Council, if that is Kenya does not cease and desist all destabilizing, anti-peace efforts within Somalia’s sovereign boundaries.
The Republic of Kenya is sincerely immersed in an international campaign to receive the honors to endeavor for global peace and security as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council representing the Africa Group for the term 2021-2022. This aspiration communicated by the Government of Kenya is in stark contrast to Somalia’s communication to UNSC of being a victim of Kenya’s “negative, anti-peace actions.”
The evidence glaringly points to Kenya being guilty of the charges levied against her by the Federal Government of Somalia. It is the opinion of most objective spectators and supporters of international sustained peace and security that this unflattering evidence of Kenya’s inappropriate actions in Somalia completely disbars Kenya from being elected to the UNSC. It is our hope that at least in the next two years, rather than seek the duties of fighting for global peace and security, Kenya focuses on strictly following international law and UN Charter rules with respect to all its neighbors in East Africa.
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