Coronavirus, Economic Networks, and Social Fabric
By Richard Heinberg — 15. March 2020
Connections will be strained in the coming weeks—some of them interpersonal and local, some economic and global. It’s up to us to nourish the connections that are most essential, while finding backups for those that can no longer be relied on.
The COVID-19 pandemic offers intriguing insights into how networked our modern world has become, and how we’ve traded resilience for economic efficiency. Case in point: someone gets sick in China in December of 2019, and by March of 2020 the US shale oil industry is teetering on the brink. What’s the chain of connection?
- January 2020: The coronavirus epidemic explodes, forcing China to institute a massive quarantine.
- Chinese oil demand craters as a result of hundreds of millions staying home and untold numbers of businesses going offline.
- March 7: Saudi Arabia asks its OPEC partners and Russia to cut oil output to keep prices from crashing.
- March 9: Russia refuses, so the Saudis decide to provoke a price war by producing even more oil and selling it at a discount.
- As a result, world oil prices fall from $50 (Feb. 17) to $33 (March 9).
- Meanwhile, it is arguably the US, not Russia, that will be hurt most by the price war. As the world’s largest oil producer, the US has seen nearly all of its spectacular production growth in recent years coming from light, tight oil produced by fracking. But fracking is expensive; even when prices were higher, the fracking industry struggled to turn a profit on this unconventional petroleum source.
- With an oil price heading toward $30 or possibly even lower, not even the most efficient fracking companies with the very best acreage can make investors happy. So, dozens of domestic US oil producers are set to go bust (unless the Trump administration bails them out).
What set off this unraveling? It was China’s deliberate—and arguably necessary—pull-back from economic connectivity. This tells us something useful about networked systems: unless there is a lot of redundancy built into them, any one node in the network can affect others. If it’s an important node (China has become the center of world manufacturing), it can disrupt the entire system. What would redundancy actually mean? If we made more of our products locally, we wouldn’t have to depend so much on China. If we produced more of our energy locally, then our energy system would probably include more redundancy (by way of more types of energy sources), and the world energy economy would be more resilient as a result. Problems would still arise, but they would be less likely to affect the whole system.
So, redundancy is important. However, redundancy is the enemy of economic efficiency. Over the past few decades, economic engineers have created just-in-time supply chains in order to minimize warehousing costs, and have lengthened supply chains in order to access the cheapest labor and materials. Fine—everybody got cheaper products, and China has grown its economy at a blistering pace. But what happens when everybody suddenly needs an N95 facemask while international supply lines are down? Officials can’t just call up the local facemask factory and order a new batch; that factory likely closed years ago.
That’s just one of the ways in which the coronavirus pandemic presents a daunting challenge to our globally networked economy—while our networked economy also complicates efforts to slow the spread of the virus. When you start to take more networks into account, the picture becomes daunting indeed. What happens to the tourism industry if millions are quarantined and nobody wants to be in close quarters with lots of strangers? How about the airlines? The restaurant and hotel chains? Even a few weeks of dramatically reduced business could be critical to their survival.
Hence government leaders and the masters of the financial universe—the central bankers—are huddling daily to try to figure out how to keep what is currently (in the US) merely a stock market blowout from turning into a serious economic depression. Unfortunately, the tools at their disposal may not be up to the job. That’s because the core problem (the pandemic) is not financial in nature. Around 70 percent of the US economy is driven directly by consumer spending. But putting money into people’s pockets through lower interest rates or government spending won’t make them suddenly decide to go on a cruise, book a flight, or even go out on Friday night to dinner and a movie.
But that’s not what concerns me most these days. Instead, it’s the social dimension of the coronavirus epidemic. Financial crises are inevitable in an economy that prioritizes the rapid growth of shareholder value and the profits of the investment class. Even more they are inevitable in an economy based on a fundamentally flawed understanding of reality—the implicit assumption that growth in resource extraction, manufacturing, and waste dumping can continue indefinitely on a finite planet. Many ecological thinkers have been making that point for years. But the response to this intrinsic vulnerability that makes the most sense, and the one my colleagues and I have been recommending, is to strengthen community resilience. That means supporting local farmers, manufacturers, merchants, arts groups, and civic organizations of all kinds. Trust is the currency that will enable us to weather the storms ahead, and trust is built largely through face-to-face interaction within communities.
However, the necessary response to the novel coronavirus is social distancing—i.e., reducing face-to-face human connectivity. As people voluntarily retreat from public gatherings, or are forced to do so by regional quarantines, severe impacts are bound to be felt by faith communities and local arts organizations, as well as local restaurants, farmers markets, and merchants. Sporting events and concerts are being canceled, and the public’s direct engagement with local and national politics is suffering as well. Public transit systems are emptying.
We need to be thinking of ways to keep civic connections alive for the next while. The pandemic will not last indefinitely: the virus itself may be here for good, but one way or another it and humanity will negotiate some sort of biological accommodation. \ Most likely, humans will achieve herd immunity (the better term is community immunity), perhaps aided by vaccines. Our urgent task is to keep our communities healthy and resilient in the interim.
Of course, we still have the internet and social media. We should make the most of them, even though in “normal” times these often distract us from face-to-face interaction or reduce our social skills. For the time being, we can use these tools to keep up not just with the news, but with all the people we care about. I’ve even heard of innovative communitarians setting up Zoom conferences with their neighbors so they can stay in “touch.” Unfortunately, there’s no app yet that can show up at a farmers market, admire the produce, talk about the weather, and bring home a basket of fresh veggies.
Humor can help with emotionally processing difficult information (though its use can be tricky, as many people’s emotions are raw these days). There’s a lot to process—and not just fears of getting COVID-19 or of seeing a 401k disappear. Will we have to cancel our vacation? Should I go to my yoga class or stay home? How can I make ends meet if I can’t work for the next few weeks due to quarantines? How much should we disrupt our routines? Should my company be doing more to protect employees and customers? These questions and more are stoking interpersonal tensions between spouses, between parents and children, between co-workers, and between employers and employees. Normalcy bias and denial can lead to complacency when action is needed, while panic can lead to poor choices and the dismissal of one’s genuine concerns by friends and colleagues. One solution is to engage friends, neighbors, co-workers, and family in conversations about the virus, actively listen to their concerns, and gently steer those conversations in a prosocial direction that takes into account the seriousness of the situation and our need to change behavior. Ironically, the most pro-social behavior at the moment is to stay home. Meanwhile, make commonsense preparations: stock up on enough supplies to get you through a month without going out, and think about what you’ll do.
Remember: humanity has survived epidemics much worse than this one. My wife Janet just passed along this historical tidbit: it seems that early in William Shakespeare’s career as an actor and writer, London theaters were closed by order of the Privy Council (June 23, 1592), which was concerned about a plague outbreak and the possibility of civil unrest. But the theaters reopened in June 1594 and Shakespeare went on to write his most famous plays. Like Will, we’ll get through this.
Connections will be strained in the coming weeks—some of them interpersonal and local, some economic and global. It’s up to us to nourish the connections that are most essential, while finding backups for those that can no longer be relied on. What do we need and value most? How can we support one another? These are the sorts of questions we might ask ourselves in the days ahead—and we may have plenty of time on our hands at home to contemplate them.
Richard Heinberg is a senior fellow at the Post Carbon Institute and the author of thirteen books, including his most recent:Our Renewable Future. Previous books include: Afterburn: Society Beyond Fossil Fuels, Snake Oil: How Fracking’s False Promise of Plenty Imperils Our Future; The Party’s Over: Oil, War, and the Fate of Industrial Societies; Peak Everything: Waking Up to the Century of Declines; and The End of Growth: Adapting to Our New Economic Reality. Originally published by Resilience
"We will observe how the populations respond to these measures ..."
- Imperial College London (17. March 2020) ... and then they will feed the data into their computer models and algorithms to improve their global grip on YOU! The most perfiduous response-mechanism triggered is the self... quarantine, self ... isolation, self ... distancing, self ... enslavement.
Scientists after the Nuremberg Trials at the end of WWII were hanged for their experiments abusing humans, while scientists today seem to get away with the very same, though the Nuremberg Code is still applicable International Law.
Stand Up Against Isolation Tactics - Network and Help!
Mar 16, 2020 - Removed by Censor Youtube - Watch the TRAILERS to the 4 EPISODES
THE CON - World Premiere & Live Panel *EXCLUSIVE*
An in-depth investigation into the 2008 financial crisis nine years in the making. Through interviews with regulators, former officials, foreclosure victims, industry whistleblowers, and journalists, THE CON connects the dots to what America used to be and where we’re headed in 2020, as nearly 40 million American’s are currently claiming unemployment. Stay tuned for a live conversation with the filmmakers and voices from
"Normal" flu was a far worst killer every year, but nobody made a fuss about it - as long as BigPharma made their money with vaccines that admittedly might help in maximum only 40% of the people.
The Long-Term Political Fallout of Coronavirus
By Dr. James M. Dorsey March 17, 2020
3D medical animation still shot showing the structure of a coronavirus, image via Wikimedia Commons
BESA Center Perspectives Paper No. 1,488, March 17, 2020
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: As the coronavirus spreads, so does its likely political fallout. For authoritarians and autocrats, this is likely to be a mixed bag. Some will benefit from invasive tracing and monitoring of those affected by the virus, which is likely to boost the evolution toward a “Big Brother” surveillance state as well as nationalist economic policies propagated by populists and nationalists like Donald Trump. Others are seeing perceived government failures to effectively confront the virus undermine already shaky public trust, which can fuel demands for greater transparency, accountability, and freedom of expression.
The coronavirus pandemic, which is by definition egalitarian in the extreme and recognizes no physical or social borders, could cause complete breakdowns in already weak public health systems in conflict areas such as Syria, Yemen, and Libya.
The risks are magnified by the deliberate targeting during conflict of hospitals and other medical facilities and the mass dislocation of millions who are forced into bare-knuckle, unhygienic refugee camps with hardly any services and rampant malnutrition.
Protesters in countries like Iraq and Thailand, who demand an overhaul of the political system, and Hong Kong, where reform is the driver, have dashed government hopes that fear of contagion would take the wind out of the demonstrators’ sails.
Protesters in Iraq, which has so far reported 124 cases and 10 deaths, have refused to abandon mass public gatherings, calling instead for the virus to take its toll on the country’s leadership.
“Listen to us Corona, come and visit the thieves who stole our wealth, come and take revenge from those who stole our dreams, we only loved our homeland, but they killed us,” protesters chanted.
“The government uses coronavirus as an excuse to end the protests. They tried everything—snipers, live bullets, tear gas, abduction and so on and on—but they failed. They are now finding another way to stop us, but they will fail again,” said Yasamin Mustafa, a teenage protester from Basra, referring to government warnings about the virus.
Similarly, students in Thailand have ignored calls by military-backed PM Prayuth Chan-Ocha to end the protests because of the virus risk. The students are demanding Prayuth’s resignation and political reforms after the Constitutional Court disbanded Future Forward, a popular pro-democracy party.
In Hong Kong, with Chief Executive Carrie Lam’s approval rating sinking to a record low of just 9.1% after her government faced criticism over its handling of the virus, protests have moved from the street to online public gatherings in support of longstanding demands for reform.
At the same time, Lam’s backers in Beijing are confronting demands for greater freedom of speech at a moment when the government of President Xi Jinping has imposed absolute media conformity.
Xi’s critics claim that greater transparency and freedom could have prevented the virus from turning China into the world’s most affected country with economic consequences the severity of which has yet to be fully appreciated.
Writing in The Wall Street Journal, Bloomberg’s former China bureau chief Dexter Roberts warned that the long-term fallout of the virus could be fundamental, with hundreds of millions of domestic migrant workers “still facing unprecedented virus-related disruptions in their lives and work” as incomes have dried up, aggravated by enforced quarantines and “a skewed health care system (that) relegates (them) to understaffed and underfunded clinics.”
As occurred in the wake of the SARS crisis in 2003, the government will likely benefit in the short term from middle- and upper-class support for increased political and social controls enabled by its rollout of a 21st century Orwellian surveillance state, Roberts argued.
“The coronavirus may eventually fade as a threat, but it has exposed the deep inequities that divide Chinese into two classes… That split remains the biggest obstacle to China’s development,” with disadvantaged migrant workers posing “the biggest threat to its economic and political future,” Roberts said.
As for Iran, the virus crisis is not the last nail in the government’s coffin, but it has significantly widened an already yawning gap in public trust ripped open by widespread corruption, repressive policies, lack of transparency, and the government’s mishandling of the downing in January of a Ukrainian airliner.
“The relationship between the government and the public is severely damaged. The government is suffering a massive loss of confidence. And this shows in critical situations like now. Due to this distrust, society ignores information given out by the government. In recent weeks, the government has too often had to correct its own statements,” said sociologist Saeed Paivandi.
Paivandi was referring to faltering efforts by Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and the government to persuade Iranians to observe disruptive health precautions at a time when the country is struggling to cope with the devastating economic impact of harsh US sanctions that have complicated its access to medical products.
Initial government failure to confront the crisis head on by, for example, quarantining the holy city of Qom, the Iranian hub of the virus, has turned Iran into a source of the virus elsewhere in the Middle East and beyond. The extent of the health crisis at home combined with the impact of the US sanctions threatens to put the Islamic Republic in the same risk category as Syria, Yemen, and Libya.
The virus crisis is also grist for nationalist mills, prompting President Donald Trump to pressure US pharmaceutical companies that have moved overseas to shift their operations back to the US.
“The coronavirus shows the importance of bringing manufacturing back to America so that we are producing, at home, the medicines and equipment and everything else that we need to protect the public’s health,” Trump said.
If Trump sees a silver lining in the virus crisis, so do religious ultra-conservatives and critics of European measures to impose Western behavior on segments of Muslim minority communities.
With governments advising against customary physical greetings such as handshakes, kissing, and hugs, ultra-conservatives like Salafis, who refuse to shake women’s hands, observe privately that that their attitude is going mainstream at a time when their practices are under fire in Europe.
Dutch parliamentarians last month took Salafis to task for their refusal, arguing in a parliamentary inquiry into “unwanted influencing by unfree countries” that shaking a woman’s hand was part of Dutch culture and refusal to do so impeded integration. The coronavirus has, at least for now, undermined that argument.
Danish authorities have suspended citizenship naturalization ceremonies that require a handshake as part of the process in line with legislation adopted in 2018 to force the hand of ultra-conservatives that refuse to shake hands with the opposite sex.
Critics of the law said the suspension highlighted the absurdity of forcing people to have physical contact. “It’s absurd. The path to Danish citizenship should be about inclusion, not exclusion,” said Peder Hvelplund, a green lawmaker.
Dr. James M. Dorsey (Ph.D. University of Utrecht). Specializes in the Muslim world's political, social, and economic fault lines as well as Chinese policy towards the region with a focus on geopolitics, social movements, and political and militant Islam. James also focuses on the nexus of sports, politics, and society. Email: - Dr. James M. Dorsey, a non-resident Senior Associate at the BESA Center, is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies at Singapore’s Nanyang Technological University and co-director of the University of Würzburg’s Institute for Fan Culture.
On June 13, 2012 a 60-year-old Saudi man was admitted to a private hospital in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, with a 7-day history of fever, cough, expectoration, and shortness of breath. He had no history of cardiopulmonary or renal disease, was receiving no long-term medications, and did not smoke.
On May 4, 2013, a sample of this Saudi SARS (aka novel Coronavirus) from the very first infected Saudi patient arrived in Canada’s National Microbiology Laboratory in Winnipeg via Ron Fouchier of Erasmus Medical Center in Rotterdam, Netherlands who sequenced the virus sample.
In March 2019, in mysterious event a shipment of exceptionally virulent viruses from Canada’s NML ended up in China. The event caused a major scandal with Bio-warfare experts questioning why Canada was sending lethal viruses to China.
Four months later in July 2019, a group of Chinese virologists were forcibly dispatched from the Canadian lab – the only level-4 facility equipped to handle the world’s deadliest diseases where Coronavirus sample from the first Saudi patient was being examined.
The scientist who was escorted out of the Canadian lab along with members of her research team is believed to be a Chinese Bio-Warfare agent Xiangguo Qiu.
Dr. Xiangguo Qiu is married to another Chinese scientist Dr. Keding Cheng – the couple is responsible for infiltrating Canada’s NML with many Chinese agents posing as students from a range of Chinese scientific facilities directly tied to China’s Biological Warfare Program.
Dr. Xiangguo Qiu made at least five trips to the Wuhan National Biosafety Laboratory located only 20 miles away from the Huanan Seafood Market which is the epicenter of the outbreak.
The Canadian investigation is ongoing and questions remain whether previous shipments to China of other viruses or other essential preparations, took place from 2006 to 2018, one way or another.
Meanwhile, in a very strange turn of events, renowned scientist Frank Plummer who received Saudi SARS Coronavirus sample and was working on Coronavirus (HIV) vaccine in the Winnipeg based Canadian lab from where the virus was smuggled by Chinese Biowarfare agents has died in mysterious conditions in Kenya.
Scholars or Spies
The Thousand Talents Plan or Thousand Talents Program was established in 2008 by the central government of China to recognize and recruit leading international experts in scientific research, innovation, and entrepreneurship – in other words to steal western technology.
China’s national strategy of military-civil fusion has highlighted biology as a priority, and the People’s Liberation Army could be at the forefront of expanding and exploiting this knowledge. Chinese military’s interest in biology as an emerging domain of warfare is guided by strategists who talk about potential “genetic weapons” and the possibility of a “bloodless victory.”
GreatGameIndia is a journal on Geopolitics and International Relations. Get to know the Geopolitical threats India is facing in our exclusive book India in Cognitive Dissonance. Past magazine issues can be accessed from the Archives section.
The Drug Trust
In 1987, the eighteen largest drug firms were ranked as follows:
1. Merck (U.S.) $4.2 billion in sales.
2. Glaxo Holdings (United Kingdom) $3.4 billion.
3. Hoffman LaRoche (Switzerland) $3.1 billion.
4. Smith Kline Beckman (U.S.) $2.8 billion.
5. Ciba-Geigy (Switzerland) $2.7 billion.
6. Pfizer (U.S.) $2.5 billion (Standard & Poor's gives its sales as $4 billion).
7. Hoechst A.G. (Germany) $2.5 billion (Standard & Poor's lists its sales as $38 billion Deutschmarks).
8. American Home Products (U.S.) $2.4 billion ($4.93 billion according to Standard & Poor's).
9. Lilly (U.S.) $2.3 billion ($3.72 billion Standard & Poor's).
10. Upjohn (U.S.) $2 billion.
11. Squibb (U.S.) $2 billion.
12. Johnson & Johnson (U.S.) $1.9 billion.
13. Sandoz (Switzerland) $1.8 billion.
14. Bristol Myers (U.S.) $1.6 billion.
15. Beecham Group (United Kingdom) $1.4 billion (Standard & Poor's gives $1.4 billion in sales of the U.S. subsidiary -- $2.6 billion pounds sterling as overall income).
16. Bayer A.G. (Germany) $1.4 billion (Standard & Poor's gives the figure as $45.9 billion Deutschmarks).
17. Syntex (U.S.) $1.1 billion.
18. Warner Lambert (U.S.) $1.1 billion (Standard & Poor's gives the figure as $3.1 billion).
Thus we find that the United States still maintains an overwhelming lead in the production and sale of drugs. In the United States, the sale of prescription drugs rose in 1987 by 12.5% to $27 billion. Eleven of the eighteen leading firms are located in the United States; three in Switzerland; two in Germany; and two in the United Kingdom. Nutritionist T.J. Frye notes that the Drug Trust in the United States is controlled by the Rockefeller group in a cartel relationship with I.G. Farben of Germany. In fact, I.G. Farben was the largest chemical concern in Germany during the 1930s, when it engaged in an active cartel agreement with Standard Oil of New Jersey. The Allied Military Government split it up into three companies after World War II, as part of the "anti-cartel" goals of that period, which was not unlike the famed splitting up of Standard Oil itself by court order, while the Rockefellers maintained controlling interest in each of the new companies. In Germany, General William Draper, of Dillon Read investment bankers, unveiled the new decree from his office in the I.G. Farben building. Henceforth, I.G. Farben would exist no more; instead, three companies would emerge -- Bayer, of Leverkusen; BASF at Ludwigshafen; and Hoescht, near Frankfort. Each of the three spawns is now larger than the old I.G. Farben; only ICI of England is larger. These firms export more than half of their product. BASF is represented in the United States by Shearman and Sterling, the Rockefeller law firm of which William Rockefeller is a partner.
The world's No. 1 drug firm, Merck, began as an apothecary shop in Darmstadt, Germany, in 1668. Its president, John J. Horan, is a partner of J.P. Morgan Company, and the Morgan Guaranty Trust. He attended a Bilderberger meeting in Rye, New York, May 10-12,1985. In 1953, Merck absorbed another large drug firm, Sharp & Dohme. At that time, Oscar Ewing, the central figure in the government fluoridation promotion for the Aluminum Trust, was secretary of the Merck firm, his office then being at One Wall Street, New York.
Directors of Merck include John T. Connor, who began his business career with Cravath, Swaine and Moore, the law firm for Kuhn, Loeb Company; Connor then joined the Office of Naval Research, became Special Assistant to the Secretary of the Navy 1945-47, became president of Merck, then president of Allied Stores from 1967-80, then chairman of Schroders, the London banking firm. Connor is also a director of a competing drug firm, Warner Lambert, director of the media conglomerate Capital Cities ABC, and director of Rockefeller's Chase Manhattan Bank. Each of the major drug firms in the United States has at least one director with close Rockefeller connections, or with a Rothschild bank. Another director of Merck is John K. McKinley, chief operating officer of Texaco; he is also a director of Manufacturers Hanover Bank, which Congressional records identify as a major Rothschild bank. McKinley is also a director of the aircraft firm, Martin Marietta, Burlington Industries, and is a director of the aircraft firm, Martin Marietta, Burlington Industries, and is a director of the Rockefeller-controlled Sloan Kettering Cancer Institute. Another Merck director is Ruben F. Mettler, chairman of the defense contractor TRW, Inc.; he was formerly chief of the Guided Missiles Department at Ramo-Wooldridge, and has received the human relations award from the National Conference of Christians and Jews--he is also a director of Bank of America.
Other directors of Merck include Frank T. Cary, who was chairman of IBM for many years; he is also a director of Capital Cities ABC, and partner of J.P. Morgan Company; Lloyd C. Elam, president of Meharry Medical College, Nashville, TN, the nation's only black medical college. Elam is also a director of the American Psychiatric Association, Nashville City Bank, and the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, which gives him a close connection to Rockefeller's Sloan Kettering Cancer Center; Marian Sulzberger Heiskell, heiress of the New York Times fortune. She was married to Orville Dryfoos, the paper's editor, who died of a heart attack during a newspaper strike; she then married Andrew Heiskell in a media merger--he was chairman of Time magazine and had been with the Luce organization for fifty years. She is also a director of Ford Motor. Heiskell is director of People for the American Way, a political activist group, chairman of the New York Public Library, and the Book-of-the-Month Club. Also on the board of Merck is a family member, Albert W. Merck; Reginald H. Jones, born in England, formerly chairman of General Electric, now chairman of the Board of Overseers, Wharton School of Commerce, director of Allied Stores and General Signal Corporation; Paul G. Rogers, who served in Congress from the 84th to the 95th Congresses; he was chairman of the important subcommittee on health; in 1979, he joined the influential Washington law firm and lobbyist, Hogan and Hartson. He is also a director of the American Cancer Society, the Rand Corporation, and Mutual Life Insurance.
Thus we find that the world’s No. 1 drug firm has two directors who are partners of J.P. Morgan Company, one who is director of Rockefeller’s Chase Manhattan Bank and one who is director of the Rothschild Bank, Manufacturers Hanover; most of the directors are connected with vital defense industries, and interlock with other defense firms. On the board of TRW, of which Ruben Mettler is chairman, is William H. Krome George, former chairman of ALCOA, and Martin Feldstein, former economic advisor to President Reagan. The major banks, defense firms, and prominent political figures interlock with the CIA and the drug firms.
The No. 2 drug firm is Glaxo Holdings, with $3.4 billion in sales. Its chairman is Austin Bide; deputy chairman is P. Girolami, who is a director of National Westminster Bank, one of England’s Big Five. Directors are Sir Alistair Frame, chairman of Rio Tinto Zinc, one of the three firms which are the basis of the Rothschild fortune; Frame is also on the board of another Rothschild holding, the well known munitions firm, Vickers; also Plessey, another defense firm which recently bid on a large contract with the U.S. Army; Frame is president of Britoil, and director of Glaxo are Lord Fraser of Kilmarnock, who was deputy chairman of the Conservative Party (now the ruling party in England) from 1946 to 1975, when he joined Glaxo; Lord Fraser was also a member of the influential Shadow cabinet; B.D. Taylor, counselor of Victoria College of Pharmacy and chairman of Wexham Hospital; J.M. Raisman, chairman of Shell Oil UK Ltd., another Rothschild controlled firm. Lloyd’s Bank, one of the Big Five, British Telecommunications, and the Royal Committee on Environmental Pollution; Sir Ronald Arculus, retired from Her Majesty’s Diplomatic Service after a distinguished career; he had served in San Francisco, New York, Washington and Paris; he was then appointed Ambassador to Italy, and was the UK Delegate to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, which sought to apportion marine wealth among the have-not countries: Arculus is now a director of Trusthouse Forte Hotels, and London and Continental Bankers; and Professor R.G. Dahrendorf, one of the world’s most active sociologists and a longtime Marxist propagandist. Dahrendorf, a director of the Ford Foundation since 1976, is a graduate of the London School of Economics, professor of sociology at Hamburg and Tubingen, parliamentary Secretary of State at the Foreign Office, West Germany since 1969, and has received honors from Senegal, Luxemburg and Leopold II.
The Rothschilds apparently appointed Dahrendorf a director of Glaxo because of his emphatic Marxist pronunciamentos. The European director of the Ford Foundation, he claims, in his book, “Marx in Perspective,” that Marx is the greatest factor in the emergence of modern society. Dahrendorf’s principal contribution to sociology has been his well-advertised concept of the “new man,” whom he has dubbed “homo sociologicus,” a being who has been transformed by socialism into a person whose every disctinctive feature, including racial characteristics, have disappeared. He is the modern robot, a uniform creature who can easily be controlled by the force of world socialism. Dahrendorf is the apostle of the modern faith that there are no racial differences in any of the various races of mankind; he denounces any mention of “superiority” or of differing skills as “ideological distortion.” Dahrendorf is a prominent member of the Bilderbergers; he attended their meeting at Rye, New York from May 10-12, 1985. He is professor of Sociology at Konstanz University, as well as his other previously mentioned posts.
Thus we find that the world’s No. 2 drug firm is directed by two of the Rothschild’s family’s most trusted henchmen and by the world’s most outspoken explicator of Marxism.
The world’s No. 3 drug firm, Hoffman LaRoche of Switzerland, is still controlled by members of the Hoffman family, although there have been rumors of takeover attempts in recent years. The firm was founded by Fritz Hoffman, who died in 1920. The firm’s first big seller was Siropin in 1896; its sales of Valium and Librium now amount to one billion dollars a year; its subsidiary spread the dangerous chemical, dioxin, over the Italian town, Seveso, which cost $150 million to clean up in a 10 year campaign. His son’s widow, Maya Sacher, is now married to Paul Sacher, a musician who is conductor of the Basle Chamber Orchestra. Hoffman had added his wife’s name, LaRoche, to the family company, as is the custom in Europe; the Hoffmans still control 75% of the voting shares. The Sachers have one of the world’s most expensive art collections, Old Masters and modern paintings.
In 1987, Hoffman LaRoche tried to take over Sterling Drug, a venture in which they were aided by Lewis Preston, chairman of J.P. Morgan Company; he also happened to be Sterling’s banker. In the ensuing brouha-ha, Preston decided to retire. Eastman Kodak then bought Sterling, with backing from the Rockefellers. The chairman of Hoffman LaRoche is Fritz Gerber, a 58 year old Swiss army colonel. The son of a carpenter, he became a lawyer, then chairman of Hoffman LaRoche. Gerber is also a director of Zurich Insurance; thus he is associated with Switzerland’s two biggest firms; he draws a salary of 2.3 million Swiss francs per year, plus a $1.7 million working agreement with Glaxo holdings.
Hoffman LaRoche received a great deal of publicity in April 1988 because of unfavorable revelations about its acne drug, “Accutane” after the Food and Drug Administration publicized figures that the drug had caused 1000 spontaneous abortions, 7000 other abortions, and other side effects such as joint aches, drying of skin and mucous membranes, and hair loss. Hoffman LaRoche was faulted by FDA for purposely omitting women, and particularly pregnant women, from the studies on which it based requests for approval of Accutane. The company was aware that Accutane caused serious effects when taken during pregnancy.
Hard on the heels of the Accutane revelations, Hoffman LaRoche made new headlines in the Wall Street Journal with Congressman Ted Weiss’s demand, reported on May 6, 1988, that a criminal investigation be launched of the forty deaths, recorded since 1986, caused by taking Versed, Hoffman La-Roche’s tranquilizer which is a chemical cousin of its best selling drug, Valium.
The No. 4 drug firm, Smith Kline Beckman, banks with the Mellon Bank. Its chairman, Robert F. Dee, is a director of General Foods, Air Products and Chemical and the defense firm, United Technologies, which interlocks with Citibank. Directors are Samuel H. Ballam, Jr., chairman of the Hospital of the University of Pennsylvania, director of American Water-Works, Westmoreland Coal Company, General Coal Company, INA Investment Securities, chairman of CIGNA’s High Yield Fund, and Geothermal Resources International; Francis P. Lucier, chairman of Black & Decker; Donald P. McHenry, former U.S. Ambassador to the UN, 1979-81, now international advisor to the Council on Foreign Relations, Trustee of Brookings Institution and the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Ford Foundation, and the super-secret Ditchley Foundation set up by W. Averell Harriman during World War II; McHenry is also a director of Coca Cola and International Paper; Carolyn K. Davis, who was dean of the school of nurses at University of Michigan 1973-75, Health and Human Services since 1981; she is also a director of Johns Hopkins.
Other directors of Smith Kline are Andrew L. Lewis, Jr., chairman of Union Pacific, the basis of the Harriman fortune; he is director of Ford Motor, trustee in bankruptcy Reading Company, former chairman of Reagan’s transition team and deputy director of the Republican National Committee; R. Gordon McGovern, chairman of Campbell Soup; Ralph A. Pfeiffer, Jr., chairman of IBM World Trade Corporation, American International Far East Corporation, Riggs National Bank, and chairman U.S.-China Trade Commission; he is also vice chairman of the key foreign policy operation, Center for Strategic and International Studies, which was founded by Jeane Kirkpatrick’s husband, Evron Kirkpatrick of the CIA.
The world’s No. 5 drug firm, Ciba-Geigy of Switzerland, does a billion dollar a year business in the United States, and operates ten drug factories here.
Pfizer, No. 6 in size of the world’s drug firms, does $4 billion a year, according to Standard & Poor’s; the company banks with Rockefeller’s Chase Manhattan Bank. Pfizer’s chairman, Edmund T. Pratt, Jr., was controller of IBM from 1949 to 1962; he is now a director of Chase Manhattan Bank, General Motors, International Paper, the Business Council and the Business Roundtable, two Establishment organizations; he is also chairman of the Emergency Committee for American Trade. Pfizer’s president is Gerald Laubach, who joined Pfizer in 1950; he is a member of the council of Rockefeller University, and director of CIGNA, Loctite, and General Insurance Corporation; Barber Conable is director of Pfizer; he was a Congressman representing New York from 1965 to 1985, which would indicate a close Rockefeller connection; Conable is now president of the World Bank. Other directors of Pfizer are Joseph B. Flavin, chief operating officer of the 2½billion a year Singer Company. Flavin was with IBM World Trade Corporation from 1953-1967, then president of Xerox; he is now with the Committee for Economic Development, Stamford Hospital, Cancer Research Foundation, and the National Council of Christians and Jews; Howard C. Kauffman, has been president of EXXON since 1975; he was previously regional coordinator in Latin America for EXXON, then president of Esso Europe in London; he is also a director of Celanese and Chase Manhattan Bank; his office is at One Rockefeller Plaza; James T. Lynn, who was general counsel for the U.S. Department of Commerce from 1969-71, then Under Secretary of State 1971-73, and then secretary of HUD 1973-75, succeeding George Romney in that post; Lynn was editor of the Harvard Law Review, then joined Jones, Day, Reavis and Pogue in 1960 (a large Washington lobbying firm); Lynn accompanied Peter Peterson, then Secretary of Commerce, formerly chairman of Kuhn, Loeb Company, to Moscow in 1972, to conclude a trade agreement with the Soviets; this agreement was concluded in October, 1972; John R. Opel, president of IBM, director of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, Time and the Institute for Advanced Study; Walter B. Wriston, chairman of Citicorp, director of General Electric, Chubb, New York Hospital, Rand Corporation and J.C. Penney.
Other directors of Pfizer are Grace J. Fippinger, secretary-treasurer of the $10 billion a year NYNEX Corporation; she is an adviser to Manufacturers Hanover, the Rothschild Bank, director of Bear Stearns investment bankers, Gulf & Western Corporation, Connecticut Mutual Life Insurance and honorary member of the board of the American Cancer Society; Stanley O. Ikenberry, president of the University of Illinois, director of Harris Bankcorp, Carneigie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching; William J. Kennedy, chief operating officer of North Carolina Mutual Life, director of Quaker Oats (with Frank Carlucci, who is now Secretary of Defense), Mobil (with Alan Greenspan, who is now Chairman of the Federal Reserve System Board of Governors—Greenspan was a delegate to the Bilderberger meeting in Rye, New York, May 10-12, 1985); Paul A. Marks, chief of Sloan Kettering Cancer Center since 1980; he is a biologist, professor of human genetics at Cornell, and adjunct professor at Rockefeller University, visiting professor at Rockefeller University Hospital; he is also with National Institute of Health, Dreyfus Mutual Fund, director of cancer treatment at the National Cancer Institute, director of American Association for Cancer Research, served on the President’s Cancer Panel from 1976 to 1979, and the Presidential Commission on the Accident at Three Mile Island; he is a director of the $100 million Revson Foundation (cosmetics fortune), with Simon Rifkind and Benjamin Buttenweiser, whose wife was attorney for Alger Hiss while Buttenweiser was Assistant High Commissioner for occupied West Germany.
Of the major drug firms, none shows more direct connections with the Rockefeller interests than Pfizer, which banks with the Rockefeller bank, Chase Manhattan, has as director Howard Kaufmann, president of Exxon, and Paul Marks of the Rockefeller controlled Sloan Kettering Cancer Center and Rockefeller Hospital. In most cases, only one Rockefeller connection is needed to assure control of a corporation.
The No. 7 in world ranked drug firms is Hoechst A.G. of Germany, a spinoff from I.G. Farben, i.e., Rockefeller Warburg Rothschild control. It operates a number of plants in the U.S., including American Hoechst at Somerville, New Jersey, and Hoechst Fibers Company. Hoechst manufactures the widely used polyester fiber Trevira, antibiotic food additives for swine and broilers (Flavomycin), and other pharmaceuticals used in animal raising.
No. 8 in world ranking, American Home Products banks at the Rothschild Bank, Manufacturers Hanover, and does $3.8 billion a year ($4.93 according to Standard & Poor’s). It became even larger by its recent purchase of A. H. Robins Drug Company of Richmond, VA. A.H. Robins had gone into bankruptcy after facing $2.5 billion in payments to some 200,000 women who had been injured by its Dalkon Shield, an intrauterine device. An inadequately tested vagina clamp caused severe damage to many women. A French firm, Sanofi, then attempted to buy the firm, but was beaten out when American Home decided to pay a premium price for the firm’s well known brand names, Chapstick and Robitussin. American Home’s CEO is John W. Culligan, who has been with the firm since 1937; he is a Knight of Malta, director of Mellon Bank, Carnegie Mellon University, American Standard, and Valley Hospital; president of American Home is John R. Stafford, director of the Rothschild Bank, Manufacturers Hanover; he was formerly general counsel for the No. 3 ranked drug firm, Hoffmann LaRoche, and partner of the influential law firm, Steptoe and Johnson. Directors are K.R. Bergethon of Norway, now president of Lafayette College; A. Richard Diebold; Paul R. Frohring, and head of the Pharmaceutical Division of the War Production Board from 1942 to 1946; he is now trustee of John Cabot College, Rome, overseer of Case Western Reserve University, Mercy Hospital, Navy League, and the Biscayne Yacht Club; William F. LaPorte, who is director of Manufacturers Hanover Trust, American Standard, B.F. Goodrich, Dime Savings Bank, and president of the Buck Hill Falls Company; John F. McGillicuddy, chairman of Manufacturers Hanover Bank, who recently replaced Lewis Preston of J.P. Morgan Company as director of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York (Preston had been criticized for his role in promoting a deal for Hoffman LaRoche while engaged as Sterling Drug’s banker); John F. Torell III, president of the Manufacturers Hanover Trust and Manufacturers Hanover Corporation; H.W. Blades, who was formerly president of Wyeth Labs, and is now director of Provident Mutual Life Insurance, Wistar International, Philadelphia National Bank, and Bryn Mawr Hospital; Robin Chandler Duke, of the tobacco family; Edwin A. Gee, director of Air Products and Chemical, International Paper, Bell & Howell; he is now chairman of International Paper and Canadian International Paper; Robert W. Sarnoff, son of David Sarnoff, who founded the RCA empire; and William Wrigley, chairman of the Wrigley Corporation, director of Texaco and the Boulevard National Bank of Chicago.
No. 9 in world ranking is Eli Lilly Company, whose chairman Richard D. Wood is also director of Standard Oil of Indiana, Chemical Bank New York, Elizabeth Arden, IVAC Corporation, Cardiac Pacemakers Inc., Elanco Products, Dow Jones, Lilly Endowment, Physio-Control Corporation, and the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, a supposedly rightwing thinktank in Washington where Jeane Kirkpatrick reigns supreme. Directors of Lilly are Steven C. Beering, born in Berlin, Germany, now president of Purdue University; he serves on numerous medical boards, Diabetes Association, Endocrine Association and is a director of Arvin Industries; Randall H. Tobias, is a director of the Bretton Woods Committee, has been with Bell Telephone Labs since 1964, now director of AT&T and Home Insurance Corporation; Robert C. Seamans, Jr. who was Secretary of the Air Force from 1969-1973, now director of the Carnegie Institute, Smithsonian Museum and National Geographic Society (with Laurance Rockefeller); He is also a director of Combustion Engineering, a firm which is engaged in a number of deals with the Soviet Union, Putnams Funds, a New England powerhouse investment firm; other directors of Lilly are J. Clayton LaForce, a Fulbright scholar, now director of the Rockefeller-funded National Bureau for Economic Research, and is dean of the graduate school of management at the University of California. LaForce is an influential member of the secretive Mont Pelerin Society, which represents the Viennese school of economics, a Rothschild sponsored enterprise which features Milton Friedman as its mouthpiece—it is actually a pseudo-rightwing think-tank run by William Buckley and the CIA. LaForce is also a trustee of the pseudo rightwing thinktank, Hoover Institution of Stanford University, which is run by two directors of the Rockefeller-funded League for Industrial Democracy, the leading Trotskyite thinktank, Sidney Hook and Seymour Martin Lipset. Other directors of Lilly are J. Paul Lyet II, chairman of the giant defense firm Sperry Corporation—two-thirds of its contracts are with government agencies; Lyet is also a director of Eastman Kodak, which has just purchased Sterling Drug; he is also a director of Armstrong World Industries, NL Industries and the Continental Group; Alva Otis Way III, president of American Express, director of Schroder Bank and Trust, formerly chairman—also director of Shearson Lehman, which now incorporates Kuhn, Loeb Company and Lehman Brothers, director of Firemans Fund Insurance Company and American International Banking Corporation, Warnex Ampex Communications Corporation; C. William Verity, Jr., whose father founded Armco Steel; a Yale graduate, Verity is now chairman of Armco; he was recently appointed Secretary of Commerce to replace fellow Yale man Malcolm Baldrige, a director of the defense firm Scovill Manufacturing—Baldrige had fallen off of a horse. Verity is also a director of Chase Manhattan Bank, Mead Corporation and Taft Broadcasting. Verity was chosen as Secretary of Commerce because of his longtime record of agitation on behalf of the super-secret group, the U.S.-U.S.S.R. Trade & Economic Council, also known as USTEC, whose records are classified as Top Secret—several lawsuits are now under way to force the government to release USTEC documents under the Freedom of Information Act, but so far government attorneys have fought off all attempts to find out what this group is doing. Supposedly a cordial group of well-meaning American businessmen meeting with their smiling Soviet counterparts, USTEC was the brainchild of a top KGB official, who promoted it at the 1973 summit meeting between President Nixon and Brezhnev. The go-between was Donald Kendall of Pepsicola, who had just concluded a major trade deal with Russia; part of the price was Kendall’s selling USTEC to the White House Team. Without Kendall, USTEC might never have gotten off the ground. The real goal of USTEC was voiced by H. Rowan Gaither, head of the Ford Foundation, when he was interviewed by foundation investigator, Norman Dodd. Gaither complained about the bad press the Ford Foundation was receiving, claiming it was unjustified. “Most of us here,” he exclaimed in self-exculpation, “were at one time or another, active in either the OSS or the State Department, or the European Economic Administration. During those times, and without exception, we operated under directives issued from the White House, the substance of which was to the effect that we should make every effort to alter life in the United States so as to make possible a comfortable merger with the Soviet Union.”
USTEC is an important step in the merger program. Alva Way, president of American Express, serves on the board of Eli Lilly with C. William Verity. Way’s fellow executive, James D. Robinson III, who is chairman of American Express, is a prime mover in USTEC, as is Robert Roosa, partner in Brown Brothers Harriman investment banking firm, who is executive officer of the Trilateral Commission. Other important USTEC members are Edgar Bronfman, head of the World Zionist Congress, chairman of Seagrams, the Bronfman family firm, and controlling a sizeable part of DuPont’s stock, 21%; Maurice Greenberg, chairman of American International Group; Dr. Armand Hammer, longtime friend of the Soviet Union, and Dwayne Andreas, grain tycoon who is head of Archer-Daniels-Midland Corporation. Andreas, who financed CREEP, the organization which brought about the resignation of Richard Nixon from the presidency of the United States, has on his board Robert Strauss, former chairman of the Democratic National Committee, and Mrs. Nelson Rockefeller.
In 1972, a meeting was called in Washington at the ultra-exclusive F. Street Club, which had long been the secret meeting place for the top wheelers and dealers in Washington. Donald Kendall had invited David Rockefeller, who had opened a branch of Chase Manhattan in Red Square, Moscow, Helmut Sonnenfeldt of the State Department, who reputedly had been Henry Kissinger’s “control” when Kissinger came to the United States as a double agent under Sonnenfeldt’s patronage, and Georgi Arbatov, the well known Soviet propagandist in the United States. Arbatov told the group who Soviet Russia wanted on the board of the prospective organization, which became USTEC. He wanted Dr. Armand Hammer, Reginald Jones of General Electric, Frank Cary of IBM, and Irving Shapiro, head of DuPont. USTEC’s ostensible purpose was to promote trade between the U.S. and Russia; its real purpose was to rescue the floundering Soviet economy and save its leaders from a disastrous revolution. The U.S. offered high technology, grain and military goods; the Russians offered to continue the Communist system.
The world’s tenth largest drug firm is Upjohn, which is heavily into the production of agricultural chemicals such as Asgrow. Upjohn has now been taken over by the leading defense firm, Todd Shipyards, whose directors include Harold Eckman, a director of W.R. Grace, the Bank of New York, Centennial Life Insurance Company, Home Life Insurance Company—he is the chairman of Atlantic Mutual Insurance Company, and Union de Seguros of Mexico: Raymond V. O’Brien, Jr., chairman of Emigrant Savings Bank of New York, and the International Shipholding Corporation; R.T. Parfet, Jr., who is chairman of Upjohn, director of Michigan Bell Telephone; Lawrence C. Hoff, who is chairman of the National Foundation for Infectious Diseases, and the American Foundation for Pharmaceutical Education; he is on the board of Sloan Kettering Cancer Institute, and was Under Secretary of Health at HEW from 1974-77; he is director of the National Heart & Lung Institute, and the U.S. Public Health Service Pharmacy Board; P. H. Bullen, who was with IBM from 1946-71, now operates as Bullen Management Company; Donald F. Hornig, professor and director of the Interdisciplinary Progress in Health at the Harvard University School of Public Health; he is a director of Westinghouse Electric, and was group leader at Los Alamos in the development of the atomic bomb; he was special adviser in science at the U.S. Public Health Service from 1964 to 1969; he has received Guggenheim and Fullbright fellowships; Preston S. Parish, chairman of the executive committee at Upjohn, is a trustee of Williams College, Bronson Methodist Hospital, chairman of trustees for the W.E. Upjohn Unemployment Corporation, chairman of Kal-Aero, American National Holding Company and co-chairman of the Food and Drug Law Institute; William D. Mulholland, chairman of the Bank of Montreal, in which the Bronfmans have controlling interest— Charles Bronfman is a director. Mulholland is also a director of Standard Life Assurance Company of Edinburgh, Scotland, a director of Kimberly-Clark, Canadian Pacific Railroad, Harris Bancorp, and the Bahamas and Caribbean Ltd. branch of the Bank of Montreal. Mulholland was a general partner of Morgan Stanley from 1952 to 1969, when he became president of Brinco, a Rothschild holding company in Canada from 1970 to 1974. Mulholland is also a director of Allgemeine Credit Anstalt of Frankfort (birthplace of the Rothschild family). Also director of Upjohn is William N. Hubbard, Jr., a director of Johnson Controls, Consumers Power Company a 3½billion a year operation, formerly president of Upjohn, and dean of the medical college at New York University.
The 11th largest drug firm, E.E. Squibb, has as chairman Richard E. Furlaud; he is a director of the leading munitions firm Olin Corporation, and was general counsel for Olin from 1957-1966. Furlaud was an attorney with the prominent Wall Street law firm, Root, Ballantine, Harlan, Busby and Palmer, founded by Elihu Root, Wilson’s Secretary of State, who rushed $100 million from Wilson’s personal War Fund to Soviet Russia to save the tottering Bolshevik regime in 1917. Furlaud is a trustee of Rockefeller University and the Sloan Kettering Cancer Institute, which shows a Rockefeller connection at Squibb. Directors of Squibb include J Richardson Dilworth, the longtime financial trustee for all the members of the Rockefeller family. Dilworth married into the wealthy Cushing family, and was a partner of Kuhn, Loeb Company from 1946 to 1958, when his partner, Lewis Strauss of Kuhn, Loeb, retired as financial advisor to the Rockefellers. Dilworth took the job full time in 1958, taking over the entire 56th floor of Rockefeller Center, where he handled every bill incurred by any member of the family unit 1981. He is now chairman of the board of Rockefeller Center, director of Nelson Rockefeller’s International Basic Economy Corporation, Chrysler, R. H. Macy, Colonial Williamsburg (another Rockefeller family enterprise), and Rockefeller University. He is trustee of the Yale Corporation and of the Metropolitan Museum, and director of Selected Investments of Luxemburg. Other directors of Squibb are Louis V. Gerstner, president of American Express, director of Caterpillar Tractor and longtime board member of Sloan Kettering Cancer Institute; Charles G. Koch, head of the family firm, Koch Enterprises, a $3 billion a year operation in Kansas City. Koch has a $500 million fortune, and personally bankrolled the supposedly rightwing organizations, the Cato Institute, the Mr. Pelerin Society, and the Libertarian Party. Koch Industries banks solely with Morgan Guaranty Trust, which brings it into the orbit of the J.P. Morgan Company.
Other directors of Squibb are Helen M. Ranney, chairman of the department of medicine of the University of California at San Diego since 1973; she was with Presbyterian Hospital New York from 1960 to 1964, and is a member of the American Society of Hematology; Robert W. van Fossan, chairman of Mutual Benefit Life Insurance, director of Long Island Public Service Gas & Electric, Amerada Hess and Nova Pharmaceutical Corporation; Sanford H. McDonnell, chairman of the defense firm, McDonnell Douglas Aircraft Corporation; he is a director of Centerre Bancorp and the Navy League; Robert H. Ebert, dean of the medical school at Harvard since 1964; he is a trustee of the Rockefeller Foundation, the Population Council and president of the influential Milbank Memorial Fund, director of the Robert W. Johnson Foundation from the Johnson & Johnson pharmaceutical fortune; Ebert was a Rhodes Scholar and a Markle Scholar; Burton E. Sobel, director of the cardiac division at Washington University since 1973, National Institute of Health, editor of Clinical Cardiology, American Journal of Cardiology, American Journal of Physiology and many other medical positions; Rawleigh Warner, Jr., chairman of the giant Mobil Corporation, and director of many companies including AT&T, Allied Signal (the $9 billion a year defense firm), American Express, Chemical Bank, (also on the board of Signal was John F. Connally, former Secretary of the Treasury, and Carla Hills, former Secretary of HUD, whose husband was chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission); Eugene F. Williams, director of the defense firm Olin Corporation and Emerson Electric. Squibb recently established a research institute at Oxford University with a $20 million donation; it also maintains the Squibb Institute for Medical Research in the United States. The scion of the family is Senator Lowell Weicker, a liberal who consistently votes against the Republican Party, of which he is a member. He is shielded from party discipline by his family fortune.
Twelfth in ranking of the world’s drug firms is Johnson & Johnson; its chairman James E. Burke, is also a director of IBM and Prudential Insurance. President of Johnson & Johnson is David R. Clare; he is on the board of MIT and is a director of Motorola and of Overlook Hospital. Directors are William O. Baker, research chemist at Bell Tel labs from 1939 to 1980. A specialist in polymer research, Baker is on the boards of many organizations, and serves on the President’s Intelligence Advisory Board. He is a consultant to the National Security Agency, consultant to the Department of Defense since 1959, trustee of Rockefeller University, General Motors, Cancer Research Foundation and the Robert A. Welch Foundation; Thomas S. Murphy, chairman of the media conglomerate, Capital Cities ABC, director of Texaco; Clifton E. Garvin, chairman of Exxon since 1947, the capstone of the Rockefeller fortune; he is also a director of Citicorp and Citibank, TRW, the defense firm, J. C. Penney, Pepsi Cola, Sperry, vice chairman of the Sloan Kettering Cancer Center, chairman of the Business Roundtable, and trustee of the Teachers Annuity Association of America.
Also director of Johnson & Johnson is Irving M. London, chairman of the Albert Einstein College of Medicine since 1970, professor of medicine at Harvard and MIT, Rockefeller Fellow in medicine at Columbia University, consultant to the Surgeon General of the United States; Paul J. Rizzo, vice chairman of IBM, and the Morgan Stanley Group; Joan Ganz Cooney, who is married to Peter Peterson, the former chairman of Kuhn, Loeb Company. She is president of Children’s TV Workshop, director of the Chase Manhattan Bank, the Chase Manhattan Group, May Department stores and Xerox. She had been a publicist for NBC since 1954, when she developedher profitable children’s television program. She received the Stephen S. Wise award.
Number thirteen in world ranking is Sandoz of Switzerland. Lysergic acid, the famous LSD, was developed in Sandoz laboratories in 1943 by chemist Dr. Albert Hofmann. Sandoz has $5 billion a year in business revenues including $500 million in agricultural chemicals and dyestuffs produced by its American factories. Sandoz owns Northrup King, the huge hybrid seed company, Viking Brass and other firms.
Fourteenth in world ranking is Bristol Myers. Its chief operating officer is Richard Gelb, formerly with Clairol, the company which had been founded by his family. Gelb is chairman of the Rockefeller controlled Sloan Kettering Cancer Center; he is a director of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, Cluett Peabody, New York Times, New York Life Insurance, Bankers Trust, the Council of Foreign Relations, the Business Council and the Business Roundtable. Directors of Bristol-Myers include Ray C. Adam, a partner of J.P. Morgan Company and director of Morgan Guaranty Trust, Metropolitan Life, Cities Service, and chairman of the $2 billion a year NL Industries, a petroleum field service concern; William M. Ellinghaus, who has been with the Bell Systems since 1940, president of New York Telephone, director of J.C. Penney, Bankers Trust, vice chairman of the New York Stock Exchange, International Paper, Armstrong World Industries, New York Blood Center and United Way; he is a Knight of Malta of the Holy Sepulcher of Jerusalem, president of AT&T, director of Textron, Revlon and Pacific Tel & Tel; John D. Macomber, chairman of Celanese, director of the Chase Manhattan Bank, RJR Industries, Nabisco; Martha R. Wallace, member of the Trilateral Commission, management consultant to Department of State from 1951-53, now director of RCA, Fortune, Time, Henry Luce Foundation and with Redfield Associates, consultants, since 1983. She is chairman of the New York Rhodes Scholar Selection Committee, director of American Can, American Express, Chemical Bank, New York Stock Exchange, New York Telephone, chairman of the finance committee of the Council on Foreign Relations and member of the super secret American Council on Germany, which is said to be the behind the scenes government of West Germany; Robert E. Allen, who is director of AT&T, Pacific Northwest Bell, Manufacturers Hanover and the Manufacturers Hanover Trust; Henry H. Henley, Jr., chairman of Cluett Peabody, Clupak Corporation, General Electric, Home Life Insurance, Manufacturers Hanover Bank and the Manufacturers Hanover Trust, and trustee of Presbyterian Hospital, New York; James D. Robinson III, chairman of American Express, director of Shearson Lehman Hutton, Coca Cola, Union Pacific, Trust Company of Georgia, chairman of Rockefeller’s Memorial Hospital for Cancer and Allied Diseases, Board manager of the Sloan Kettering Cancer Center, council member of Rockefeller University, chairman of the United Way, Council on Foreign Relations Business Council and the Business Roundtable; the epitome of the New York Establishment figurehead, Robinson was with Morgan Guaranty Trust from 1961 to 1968 as assistant to the president of the bank; Andrew C. Sigler, chairman of the key policy corporation, Champion Paper, director of Chemical New York, Cabot Corporation, General Electric and RCA.
Bristol-Myers is the 44th largest advertiser on the United States, with an annual expenditure of $344 million, mostly in television and advertising; this gives them a great deal of clout in dictating the content of programs. Bristol-Myers is now pushing its new tranquilizer, Buspar and its new anti-cholesterol drug, Questran, which it expects to gross at least $100 million a year each. The track record for anti-cholesterol drugs has revealed some disturbing side effects, such as liver damage and other “unforeseen” consequences.
Number 15 in world drug firm ranking is Beecham’s Group of England, which specializes in human and veterinarian pharmaceuticals. Chairman of Beecham is Robert P. Bauman, who is also vice chairman of Textron, director of McKesson, another drug firm, and the media conglomerate, Capital Cities ABC. President of Beecham is Sir Graham Wilkins, director of Thorn EMI TV, Hill Samuel, the investment bankers, one of the Magic Seventeen merchant bankers licensed by the Bank of England, and Rowntree Mackintosh candy firm, as well as Courtauld’s, the giant English textile firm which has close links with the British Secret Intelligence Service. Directors of Beecham are Lord Keith of Castleacre, who is chairman of Hill Samuel, investment bankers, director of Rolls Royce, British Airways, the Times Newspapers Ltd., and chairman of the Economic Planning Council, which has total power over businesses in England. Lord Keith was intelligence director of the Foreign Office before going into business. Another director of Beecham is Lord McFadzean of Kelvinside, who is chairman of Shell Transport and Trading, a Rothschild controlled firm, director of British Airways, Shell Petroleum and Rolls Royce. He is Commander of the Order of Orange Nassau, the super secret organization created to celebrate the establishment of William of Orange as King of England, and the subsequent chartering of the Bank of England. Beecham’s American subsidiary does $500 million a year.
Number sixteen in world ranking is Bayer A.G. of Germany, one of the three spin-offs from I.G. Farben cartel after World War II. Set up under orders from the Allied Military Government, which was then dominated by General William Draper of Dillon Read investment bankers, Bayer is now larger than the original I.G. Farben. In 1977, Bayer bought Miles laboratories and Germaine Monteil Perfumes, in 1981, it bought Agfa Gevaert, another spinoff of American I.G. Farben, and in 1983 it bought Cutter Laboratories, a California firm which was famed as having been set up to protect the Rockefeller controlled drug firms in the great polio immunization wars. All of the faulty polio vaccine was said to have been produced by Cutter, freeing the Rockefeller firms from the threat of lawsuits. During the 1930s, Bayer operated Sterling Drug and Winthrop chemical companies in the United States as subsidiaries of the giant I. G. Farben cartel. Winthrop Chemical’s president was George G. Klumpp, who had married into the J.P. Morgan family. Klumpp was chief of the drug division of the Food and Drug Administration in Washington from 1935-1941, when he became president of Winthrop Chemical. He had also been professor of medicine at Yale Medical School. A director of Winthrop, E. S. Rogers was physician at the Rockefeller Institute from 1932 to 1934, dean of the school of public health at the University of California at Berkley since 1946; Rogers had been consultant to the Secretary of War from 1941 to 1945. Laurance Rockefeller was also a director of Winthrop Chemical, showing the close connection between the Rockefellers and I.G. Farben. Rockefeller was also a director of McDonnell Aircraft, Eastern Air Lines, Chase Manhattan Bank, International Nickel, International Basic Economy Corporation, Memorial Hospital, and the Rockefeller Brothers Fund.
The number seventeen world ranked drug firm is Syntex, a firm prominent in agribusiness. Its founder-chairman, George Rosencrantz of Budapest, gives his present address as 1730 Parque Via Reforma, Mexico DF 10; he left the country after a bizarre kidnap scheme involving his wife. Chairman and president of Syntex is Albert Bowers, born in Manchester, England, a Fulbright fellow and member of the council at Rockefeller University; directors are Martin Carton, executive vice president of Allen and Company, Wall Street investment firm which was rumored for years to be the investment arm of Meyer Lansky’s five hundred million dollar fortune from Mafia activities. Cartin is chairman of the finance committee of Fischbach Corporation, director of Rockcor Inc., Barco of California, Frank B. Hall & Company and Williams Electronics.
Other directors of Syntex include Dana Leavitt, chairman of Leavitt Management Corporation, director of Pritchard Health Care, Chicago Title & Trust, United Artists, Transamerica, and chairman of Occidental Life Insurance; Leonard Marks, executive vice president of Castle & Cooke, the Hawaiian investment firm, director of the Times Mirror Corporation, Wells Fargo, Homestake Mining Company and California and Hawaii Sugar Company. Marks was Assistant Secretary of the Air Force from 1964-68. Also director of Syntex is a big name in banking, Anthony Solomon, now chairman of S. G. Warburg’s Mercury International. Solomon was economist with the OPA when Richard Nixon began his career of government service there. Solomon then opened a canned soup firm in Mexico, Rosa Blanca, which he sold for many millions. He then returned to government service as an official of AID, president of the International Investment Corporation for Yugoslavia 1969-1972, was appointed Under Secretary for Monetary Affairs of the Treasury Department, 1977-1980, and succeeded Paul Volcker as president of the key money market bank, the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, when David Rockefeller moved Volcker up to become chairman of the Federal Reserve Board of Governors in 1980. Solomon is also a director of Banca Commerciale Italiane.
Syntex is remembered for the mercurial rise in its stock when it began to dump vast amounts of condemned drugs in backward overseas countries. Its profits skyrocketed, as did its stock.
Number eighteen in world ranking is the former empire of Elmer Bobst, Warner-Lambert. It is the number nineteen advertiser in the United States, spending $469 million a year. Chairman of Warner-Lambert is Joseph D. Williams, who is also director of Warner-Lambert subsidiary, Parke-Davis, whose acquisition went through only because Bobst had secured the presidency for his friend Richard Nixon. Williams is also a director of AT&T, J.C. Penney, Western Electric, Excello and Columbia University. He is chairman of the People to People Foundation. President of Warner-Lambert is Melvin R. Goodes, born in Canada, who was with the Ford Motor Company. Goodes was a fellow of the Ford Foundation and the Sears Roebuck Foundation.
Warner-Lambert, which was built into a drug empire by the many Bobst acquisitions, now features Listerine mouth-wash (26.9% alcohol), Bromo Seltzer, Dentyne, Schick razors, Sloan’s Linament, and Prazepan tranquilizer. Directors are B. Charles Ames, chairman of Acme Cleveland, the M.A. Hanna Corporation, Diamond Shamrock, and Harris Graphics; Donald L. Clark, chairman of Household International, the huge finance firm, Square D. Evanston Hospital and the Council on Foreign Relations; William R. Howell, chairman of J. C. Penney, director of Exxon and Nynex; Paul S. Morabito, director of Burroughs, Consumer Power, and Detroit Renaissance, the ill-fated experiment in “human rehabilitation” which poured billions into a Detroit rathole, and from which Henry Ford II resigned in disgust; Kenneth J. Whalen, director of American Motors, Combustion Engineering, Whirlpool and trustee of Union College; John F. Burdett, director of ACF Industries, General Public Utilities (which has sales of $2.87 billion a year). Chairman of ACF is the noted raider, Carl Icahn, who is chairman of the subsidiary IC Holding Company. Also directors of Warner-Lambert are Richard A. Cramer, Irving Kristol, kingpin of the neoconservative movement which centers around Jeane Kirkpatrick and the CIA; and Henry G. Parks, Jr., token black who founded Parks Sausage in Baltimore. He is now a director of W.R. Grace Company and Signal Company.
Other directors of Warner-Lambert are Paul S. Russell of the Harvard Medical School, Columbia College of Physicians and Surgeons, U.S. Navy, U.S. Public Health Service, director of Sloan Kettering Cancer Center since 1974; and Edgar J. Sullivan, chairman of Borden, director of Bank of New York, director of F.W. Woolworth, professor and trustee of St. John’s University. Sullivan is a Knight of Malta, director of the Council on Foreign Relations and the Atlantic Council. Sterling Drug, maker of Bayer’s aspirin, and spinoff from the I.G. Farben cartel, is another important drug firm. Its chairman, W. Clark Wescoe, is a director of the Tinker Foundation, John Simon Guggenheim Foundation, Phillips Petroleum, and Hallmark Cards. He is chairman of the China Medical Board of New York, long the favorite charity of media tycoon Henry Luce. Wescoe is also trustee of the Samuel H. Kress Foundation and Columbia University, and controls billions in foundation funds. He is a director of the American Medical Association, the American College of Physicians, and the Council on Family Health. President of Sterling is John M. Pietruski, who was with Proctor and Gamble from 1954 to 1967, now director of Irving Bank, Associated Dry Goods (textile empire doing $2.6 billion a year); a later president, James G. Andress was with Abbott Laboratories; directors are Gordon T. Wallis, chairman of Irving Bank and Irving Trust, director of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, Council on Foreign Relations, F. W. Woolworth, JWT Group, General Telephone and Electronics, Wing Hang Bank Ltd., and International Commercial Bank Ltd.; William E.C. Dearden, who was chairman of Hershey Foods from 1964 to 1985, now with the Heritage Foundation, the pseudo-rightwing think tank run by the British Fabian Society; and Martha T. Muse, president of the very influential Tinker Foundation ($30 million). She is also director of Irving Bank, the American Council on Germany, ruling group of West Germany, Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service, and Georgetown Center for Strategic and International Studies, all of which are the CIA preserves of veterans Evron and Jeane Kirkpatrick. She is also director of the Woodrow Wilson International Center and the Order of St. John of Jerusalem. Thus we find that Martha T. Muse is a veritable directory of top secret CIA worldwide operations.
The Tinker Foundation, like the Jacob Kaplan Fund, is one of the super secret organizations which funnels money to the CIA for covert activities too bizarre to be submitted to any government operations center. The secretary of the Tinker Foundation is Raymond L. Brittenham, who was born in Moscow, educated at the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute in Berlin. He was general counsel for ITT, whose German operations were headed by Baron Kurt von Schroder, personal banker to Adolf Hitler. Brittenham was senior vice president for law at ITT, Bell Tel, Belgian International, Standard Electric, vice president Standard Lorenz, Germany Harvard Law School, and partner of Lazard Freres investment bankers since 1980. Director of Tinker Foundation is David Abshire, White House confidant on sensitive intelligence matters. He is chairman of American Enterprise Institute, secret policy group headed by Jeane Kirkpatrick, and the Center for Strategic and International Studies. Abshire was U.S. Ambassador to NATO in Brussels, which serves as world headquarters and command center for the Rothschild World Order; Abshire headed the Reagan Transition team after Reagan’s election to the White House; he also headed the National Security group, is on the administrative board of the Naval War College, the President’s Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board and the influential International Institute of Strategic Studies.
Also director of Tinker Foundation is John N. Irwin II, educated at Oxford, partner of the Wall Street law firm, David Polk Wardwell until he moved on to Patterson Belknap. Irwin has been deputy assistant secretary of defense, internal security from 1957-61, Under Secretary of State, Ambassador to France from 1970 to 1974. Irwin is a director of Morgan Guaranty Trust, IBM and the super secret 1925 F. Street Club in Washington. Vice chairman of the Tinker Foundation is Grayson Kirk, president of University of Wisconsin, president emeritus of University of Chicago, advisor to IBM, director of the Bullock Fund, the Asia Foundation, the French Institute, Lycee Francais, trustee of Money Shares, High Income Shares and the Hoover front, the Belgian-American Educational Foundation. Kirk is also recipient of the Order of the British Empire, St. John of Jerusalem, and is Commander of the Order of Orange-Nassau.
When Hoffman LaRoche made a strong bid for Sterling Drug in 1987, its cause was advanced by Lewis Preston, head of the J.P. Morgan empire, who was also banker for Sterling Drug. Publicity about his role caused his retirement for J.P. Morgan Company. Sterling was then bought by Eastman Kodak through funding from the Rockefellers. Kodak banks at Chase Lincoln First Bank, which is wholly owned by Chase Manhattan Bank. Kodak does $10 billion a year; its chairman is C. Kay Whitmore, who is a director of Chase Manhattan Bank and Chase Manhattan National Corporation. Directors of Kodak are Roger E. Anderson, former chairman of Continental Illinois Bank until it threatened to go under from mismanagement; he is now with Amsted Industries, a $700 million steel corporation. Anderson is also chairman of the Chicago branch of the Council on Foreign Relations. Other directors of Kodak are Charles T. Duncan, dean of the law school of Howard University, director of defense firm TRW, Proctor and Gamble and the NAACP Legal Defense Fund. A 32nd degree Mason, Duncan has long been active in black affairs, listing himself as assistant to now Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall in the school desegregation case before the Supreme Court from 1953 to 1955. Juanita Kreps is also director of Kodak, she was President Jimmy Carter’s Secretary of Commerce; she is now director of RJR Industries and the New York Stock Exchange; she received the Stephen S. Wise award. Also on the board of Sterling are John G. Smale, chairman of Proctor and Gamble, director of General Motors; and Richard Mahoney, chairman of Monsanto Chemical Company.
Because they are active in similar chemical formulations, the leading chemical firms are also closely interlocked with the major drug producing firms. Richard Mahoney, director of Sterling Drug, is chairman of Monsanto Chemical, a $7 billion a year firm. Mahoney claims he is seeking a twenty per cent return on equity for Monsanto this year. He is also director of Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, Centerre Bancorp, G. D. Searle. President of Monsanto is Earle H. Harbison, Jr., who was with the CIA from 1949 to 1967. Harbison is chairman of G. D. Searle, president of the Mental Health Association and director of Bethesda General Hospital and the St. Louis Hospital. Directors of Monsanto are Donald C. Carroll, dean of the Wharton School of Business; Richard I. Fricke, who was general counsel of the Ford Motor Company from 1957-1962, now chairman of the National Life Insurance Company and chairman of the Sentinel Group Funds; Howard A. Love, chairman of National Intergroup, formerly National Steel, director of Transworld Corporation and Hamilton Oil Corporation; Buck Mickel, construction tycoon, chairman of Daniel International Corporation which does over $1 billion a year, chairman RSI chairman of and Duke Power, president of the Fluor Corporation, vice chairman of J. P. Stevens, which is now undergoing a takeover bid, director of Seaboard Coast Line railroad.
Also director of Monsanto is William G. Ruckelshaus, who was deputy Attorney General of the United States and Assistant Attorney General in the Department of Justice Civil Department from 1969-70, administrator of EPA from 1970 to 1973, served as Director of the FBI, senior vice president for law of the giant Weyerhauser Corporation, director of U.S. West and Pacific Gas Transmission; Stansfield Turner, who was director of the CIA from 1977 to 1981, a Rhodes Scholar, president of the Naval War College, Commander in Chief of NATO and the Second Fleet; C. Raymond Dahl, chairman of Crown Zellerbach, director of Bank America; John W. Hanley, former chairman of Monsanto, now director of Citibank, Citicorp and RJR Industries; Jean Mayer, son of the longtime chairman of Lazard Freres, Andre Mayer. Jean Mayer was born in Paris and is director of many organizations dealing with population studies; he was special consultant to the President of the United States from 1969-1970, and has been president of Tufts University since 1976, director of UNICEF and WHO; John S. Reed, chairman of Citibank, director of Philip Morris, United Technologies, Russell Sage Foundation, and the Sloan Kettering Cancer Center; John B. Slaughter, director of General Dynamics, Naval Electronic Lab at San Diego, NSF Missile Spec., and chancellor of the University of Maryland since 1982; he is active in a number of minority group organizations, Urban League, trustee Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute; Margaret Bush Wilson, a lawyer in St. Louis, treasurer of the NAACP and trustee of Washington University.
The close connection of the chemical industry and government intelligence is shown by the fact that Monsanto officers and directors include a CIA agent for twenty years, another former director of the CIA, former director of the EPA and the FBI and an engineer with General Dynamics, the nation’s leading defense firm.
Although DDT was outlawed in this country, Monsanto continues to make handsome profits by shipping it overseas, particularly to countries in Latin America and Asia.
The eleven billion dollar a year Dow Chemical Corporation has directors including Carl Gerstacker, director of the Eaton Corporation. (Cyrus Eaton was a protege of John D. Rockefeller, long involved in pro-Soviet activities as organizer of the Pugwash Conference, which was directed by the KGB); Paul F. McCracken, economist for the Federal Reserve Bank of Minnesota from 1943-48, professor of economics at the University of Michigan since 1948; McCracken was chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers from 1956-71, and has served on the President’s Advisory Board of Economic Policy since 1981; Harold T. Shapiro, director of the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, which funds the Rockefeller dominated Sloan Kettering Center, president of the University of Michigan, director of Ford Motor, Burroughs and Kellogg; Shapiro has served on the CIA panel since 1984. Although Dow was a family firm for many years, with Willard Dow as chairman, and three Dows on the board of directors, they are now all gone.
Mallinkrodt was another chemical firm long owned by one family; it is now a subsidiary of International Minerals and Chemical; there are no Mallinkrodts on its board. Directors are Jeremiah Milbank, a very influential New York family. He is president of the Milbank Fund, which is dominant in medical research; he is also treasurer of the Robert A. Taft School of Government, and vice president of the Boys Club of America, on which J. Edgar Hoover served for many years; Warren L. Batts, president of Dart Industries, director of the Mead Corporation, the First National Bank of Atlanta, Dart & Kraft and trustee of the American Enterprise Institute with Jeane Kirkpatrick; Frank W. Considine, chairman of National Can Corporation; Louis Fernandez, director of the Tribune Company in Chicago, Encyclopedia Britannica, First Chicago National Bank, Allis Chalmers and Loyola University; Paul R. Judy, co-chairman Warburg Paribas Becker and director of Robert Bosch of North America; Rowland C. Frazee, chairman of the Royal Bank of Canada, director of Power Corporation of Canada, McGill University, and Portage Program for Drug Dependencies; James W. Glanville, was with Lazard Freres, now Lehman Brothers, director of the Halliburton Corporation; Thomas H. Roberts, Jr., chairman of DeKalb Agsearch, leading producers of hybrid corn, Continental Illinois bank, Board of Visitors Harvard University, president of St. Lukes Hospital, trust of Rush Medical College; Morton Moskin, lawyer with the Wall Street firm of White and Case, director of Crum & Forster.
For years, Mallinkrodt had a sweetheart deal with Memorial Hospital Sloan Kettering. One of the shadowy figures, now departed, who exercised a considerable influence behind the scenes was the man who set up this deal, M. Frederik Smith, a longtime Rockefeller associate who was director of Mallinkrodt. An indefatigable public relations man, Smith worked at Young & Rubicam, handled Bruce Burton’s Congressional campaign, and masterminded the Wilkie bid for the presidency. Smith served as assistant to the President at the Bretton Wood conference and as assistant to the Secretary of the Treasury from 1924-44, representing the Rockefeller interests there. He also handled the public relations for Sloan Kettering Cancer Center, was a director of ABC and Simon and Schuster, handled public relations for the Book-of-the-Month Club and founded the United Nations Free World Association.
DuPont is another firm which for years was controlled by the DuPont family; they now have few representatives on its board. Edgar Bronfman now has a 21% holding in its stock. A former director of DuPont was Donaldson Brown, who married Greta DuPont; he was director of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, General Motors Acceptance Corporation and Gulf Oil. This $14 billion a year firm now has Andrew Brimmer, former Governor of the Federal Reserve Board, as director; he served as governor from 1966 to 1974.
A longtime rival of DuPont is Imperial Chemical Industries of England. It was founded by Alfred Mond, who became Lord Melchett. He formed agreements with I. G. Farben during the 1920s which allowed him to absorb British Dyestuffs and Nobel Industries in 1926. Its present chairman is Sir John Henry Harvey-Jones, director of Barclay’s Bank. President of ICI is the 4th Baron Lord Melchett, Peter Mond, who finances the Greenpeace Environment Trust. Directors are Sir Robin Ibbs, a director of Lloyd’s Bank, who serves as advisor to the Prime Minister. He is on the Council of the Royal Institute of International Affairs, the parent organization of our Council on Foreign Relations; Sir Alex A. Jarratt, who held many government offices from 1949 to 1970, including Minister of Power and Minister of State; he is now department chairman of the Midland Bank, and director of the Thyssen-Bornemitza Group; Sir Patrick Meaney, who is chairman of the Rank Organization, a moviemaking firm which was set up by the British Secret Intelligence Service; they imported a Hungarian, Rank, to run it for them and make anti-German movies in preparation for the start of the Second World War; Meaney is also a director of the Midland Bank. Also director of ICI is Sir Jeremy Morse, the chairman of Lloyd’s; he was director of the Bank of England from 1965 to 1972, and is now president of the British Bankers Association; and also director of ICI is the media tycoon, Lord Kenneth Thomson, chairman of the Thomson Organization, which owns 93 newspapers in the United States; most Americans have never heard of him; he is also a director of IBM Canada and, Abitibi-Price, the newsprint giant. Donald C. Platten is also a director of Thomson Newspapers; he was formerly with the Federal Advisory Council of the Federal Reserve System; his daughter married Alfred Gwynne Vanderbilt.
Another chemical firm, Stauffer Chemical, is now a subsidiary of Cheseborough-Pond, a Rockefeller firm. Its chairman is Ralph E. Ward; he is a director of the Chase Manhattan Bank and the Chase Manhattan Corporation. The Rohm & Haas drug firm is in the Mellon Bank orbit, with prominent Philadelphia financiers as directors. They include G. Morris Dorrance, Jr., who is chairman of Corestates Financial Corporation, R.R. Donnelly Corporation, Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia, Provident Mutual Life Insurance, Banque Worms et cie of Paris and Verwaltungsrat John Berenberg, Gossler & Company. Dorrance is also a trustee of the University of Pennsylvania; Paul L. Miller, Jr., partner of Miller, Anderson & Sherrod; he is a director of Enterra Corporation, Hewlett Packard, Berwind Corporation, Mead Corporation and trustee of the Ford Foundation. Other directors are Robert E. Naylor, Jr., who was director of research for DuPont from 1956 to 1981; he is now with the Advanced Genetic Societies. Other drug companies include Schering-Plough, whose president, Richard J. Kogan, was with Ciba-Geigy; he is now director of the National Westminister Bank of the United States; directors are Virginia A. Dwyer, senior vice president for finance for AT&T; she is also a director of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, Borden, and Eaton; Milton F. Rosenthal, was treasurer of Hugo Stinnes and now chairman of the leading gold dealer, Engelhard Corporation, and director of European American Banking Corporation. He is director of Salomon Brothers, Midatlantic Bank and Ferro Corporation; H. Guyford Spiver, chief scientist for the United States Air Force, president of Carnegie-Mellon University, director of TRW ($5 billion a year defense contractor), science advisor to the President of the United States, holding many positions and offices in his Who’s Who list; W. David Dance, director emeritus of General Electric, director of Acme Cleveland, A&P, Isek Corporation; Harold D. McGraw, Jr., chairman of the giant business publishing firm, McGraw Hill and director of Standard & Poor’s, CPC International; J. W. van Gorkum, chairman of Trans Union Corporation, director of Champion International, IC Industries, Zenith Radio and Inland Steel; he is a member of the Bohemian Club.
Schering, a German firm, was seized by the Alien Property Custodian in 1942; it was sold by auction on March 6, 1952 by the Alien Property Custodian to a syndicate headed by Merrill Lynch, with Drexel & Company and Kidder Peabody joining in the deal.
Another drug firm, Burroughs Wellcome, is owned by the Wellcome Trust of England; its director is Lord Franks, a longtime trustee of the Rockefeller Foundation.
As was previously mentioned, Abbott Laboratories of Chicago, won recognition from the AMA for its products through adroit handling of the nation’s preeminent quack, “Doc” Simmons. Its president Robert Schoellhorn, a director of Pillsbury and ITT; directors include K. Frank Austen, professor at the Harvard Medical School since 1960, chief physician at Beth Israel Hospital since 1980; he serves on many professional groups, including the Arthritis Foundation, and the American Board of Allergy and Immunology; Joseph V. Charyk, born in Canada, who was with Lockheed Aircraft, the space director and Under Secretary of the Air Force from 1959-1963; he was director of the communications satellite program; director of American Securities Corporation, Washington, D.C., Draper Laboratories, General Space Corporation, chairman of the Communications Satellite Corporation and COMSAT Corporation. David A. Jones, chairman of the giant hospital firm, Humana Corporation, heads a firm with 17,000 employees which does $1.5 billion a year; he is also a director of Abbott Laboratories. The chairman of the executive committee of Abbott is Arthur E. Rasmussen, a director of Standard Oil of Indiana, trustee of the University of Chicago, which was established by a grant from John D. Rockefeller, trustee of the Field Foundation, and the International Rescue Committee, chairman of Household International and the Adler Planetarium; he is also a director of Amoco. Also director of Abbott Laboratories is Philip de Zulueta, a principal Rothschild operative in the British government for many years. De Zulueta is a close associate of Sir Mark Turner, who is chairman of the Rothschild firm Rio Tino Zinc. De Zulueta has been advisor to every Prime Minister of England since World War II; he was Private Parliamentary Secretary to Prime Minister Harold MacMillan. De Zulueta also has served for years as the private emissary between the Rothschilds of England and the Canada Bronfmans, who are their “cutouts” or front men in this hemisphere.
Another important world chemical firm is Unilever, founded in 1894; it is now headed by Lord Hunt of Tanworth, who held many important government positions from 1946 to 1973; he is also chairman of the Tablet Publishing Company, chairman of the top-secret Ditchley Foundation, (conduit for instructions between the governments of the United States and England), chairman of Banque Nationale de Paris and director of Prudential Corporation and IBM; vice chairman of Unilever is Kenneth Durham, who is chairman of Woolworth Holdings, Morgan Grenfell Holdings, United Technologies, Chase Manhattan Bank, Air Products and Chemicals, advisor to the New York Stock Exchange, director of British Aerospace and president of the Center for World Development and the Leverhulme Trust. Unilever owns Lever Brothers in the United States; it bought Anderson Clayton Company in 1986, Thomas Lipton Company and Lawry’s Foods.
The drug firms exercise a potent force in Washington through their lobbying activities. The chief lobbyist for the Pharmaceutical Manufacturers Association is Washington’s highest-powered lobbyist, Lloyd Cutler. His mother was Dorothy Glaser; his sister Laurel married Stan Bernstein; she is now vice president of the public relations firm and advertising giant, McCann Erickson. Cutler has been a partner of the Washington law firm Wilmer Cutler and Pickering since 1962. He was a counsel to the President from 1979 to 1981, and is a trustee of the prestigious Brookings Institution. A director of Kaiser Industries and American Cyanamid, Cutler was with the Lend Lease Administration, served as senior consultant to the Presidential Commission on Strategic Forces 1983, U.S. Group Permanent Court of Arbitration at the Hague 1984, and is a director of the Yale Development Board, the Foreign Policy Association and the Council on Foreign Relations. He is a member of the exclusive club, Buck’s, in London and Lyford Cay, Nassau. He writes for the CFR magazine, Foreign Affairs. In an article, “To Form A Government,” he complains that, “the structure of our constitution prevents us from doing significantly better.” He urges that we should correct “this structural fault.” The monopolists and their highly paid Washington lobbyists often find the Constitution a barrier to their plans; they cannot wait to get rid of it, because it is the only protection the citizens of the United States have left.
Hospital combines, as well as the drug firms, have become big business, and show close interlocking with major drug companies, Baxter Travenol, with $1.5 billion sales per year, interlocks with American Hospital Supply Corporation, a $2.34 billion a year hospital operation. Both firms have the same chairman, Karl D. Bays; he is a director of Standard Oil of Indiana, the omnipresent Rockefeller connection. Bays is also a director of Northern Trust, Delta Airlines, IC Industries, Amoco, and trustee of Duke, Northwestern University and the Lake Forest Hospital. President of American Hospital Supply is Harold D. Bernthal, who is also director of Bucyars Erie Company, Butler Mfg., Bliss & Laughlin Industries and trustee of Northwestern University and Northwestern University Hospital. Directors of American Hospital Supply are Blaine J. Yarrington, executive vice president of Standard Oil of Indiana, director of the Continental Illinois Bank and trustee of the Field Museum of Natural History; Yarrington is also a director of Baxter Travenol. Other directors of American Hospital Supply are Harrington Drake, chairman of Colgate University, director of Corinthian Broadcasting System, Irving Bank, Irving Trust; Fred Turner, chairman of MacDonald’s; Charles S. Munson, Jr., chairman of Air Reduction Corporation, Guaranty Trust, Cuban Distilling Company, National Carbide, Canada Dry, Reinsurance Corporation of New York, North British and Mercantile Insurance Company of London, trustee of the Taft School and Presbyterian Hospital; he was in the Chemical Warfare Service and served on the Army and Navy Munitions Board; also on the board of Baxter Travenol was William Wood Prince, a Chicago tycoon, president of F. H. Prince Company, director of Gaylord Freeman, director of Atlantic Richfield and trustee of the Aspen Institute of Humanistic Studies and trustee of Northwestern University.
Another giant hospital holding company, American Medical International of Beverly Hills, has seen its revenues climb from a mere $500 million a year to $2.66 billion in five years; it now has 40,000 employees. Chairman is Royce Diener; president is Walter Weisman; group vice president is Jerome Weisman. Directors include Henry Rosovsky, born in Danzig, Germany; he has been a director of the American Jewish Congress since 1975. Rosovsky was educated at Hebrew University, College of Jerusalem and Yeshiva University; he has been a professor at Harvard since 1965. Rosovsky is a member of the Harvard Corporation, director of Corning Glass and Paine Webber investment bankers.
Also director of AMI is Bernard Schriever, born in Bremen, Germany. As a general in the United States Air Force, Schriever was commander of the ICBM program from 1954 to 1959, Air Force Strategic Command from 1959-1966. He is now chairman of a contracting firm doing much government business in Washington, Schriever-McGee, since 1971. Schriever is also a director of Control Data, which operates under extensive Medicare and other government contracts, director of defense contractor Emerson Electric and transacts much of his business on the links of the exclusive Burning Tree Country Club, the historic haunt of defense contractors since President Eisenhower made it his favorite place of recreation.
Rocco Siciliano is also a director of AMI; he was with the National Labor Relations Board from 1953 to 1957, special assistant to President Eisenhower 1957-1959, Under Secretary of Commerce 1969-71, chairman of TICOR, 1971-1984, a leading California title insurance firm, which is now a subsidiary of Southern Pacific Siciliano was succeeded as chairman of this firm by Harold Geneen, former chairman of ITT. Siciliano is “of counsel” for the Washington lobbying firm, Jones, Day, Reavis and Pogue; he is also a director of the giant J. Paul Getty Trust and the Johns Hopkins University School of International Studies, which was founded by Owen Lattimore, (named by Senator Joe McCarthy as a leading Communist influence in the United States). Also director of AMI is S. Jerome Tamkin, a prominent Los Angeles stockbroker, head of Tamkin Securities and Tamkin Consulting Company.
The history of the pharmaceutical drug business has always been a chronicle of fraud, of preying on the fears of the uneducated and the gullible and taking advantage of the universal fears of the illness and death. The grand daddy of all nostrums is Goddard’s drops, a bone distillate which was sold as a cure for gout in England in 1673. In 1711, Tuscarora rice was sold there as a cure for consumption. During some four thousand years of the practice of pharmaceutical prescriptions, many “cures” have been found to be worse than the disease. William Shakespeare warned, “In Physic there is Poison.” Dr. R.R. Dracke, well known blood specialist in Atlanta, also issued a warning that “the following notable drugs may poison the marrow in the bones, decrease the production of white blood cells, may cause death and should be taken as medicine only with specific instruction from a well known doctor—amidopyrene, dinitrophenol (a diet drug), novaldine, antipyrene, sulphanilamide, sedormid and salvarsen.”
Physicians have warned that no acetanilid is safe, because all coal tar derivatives are powerful heart depressants. Rorer Pharmaceuticals makes Ascriptin, and television advertisements have been urging men to take an aspirin or aspirin product daily “to protect their heart.” The attorneys general of Texas and New York have requested drug firms to halt the claim that aspirin may prevent heart attacks in men; it also reduces fever and makes it difficult for a physician to correctly diagnose pneumonia.
The William S. Merrell Company, merged with Vick Chemical, marketed thalidomide as the “tranquilizer of the future.” It guaranteed control of unpleasant symptoms during pregnancy. Unfortunately, the children of mothers who took it were born without arms or legs; some had flippers for arms. 60 Minutes recently presented a twenty-five year update on English victims of thalidomide, carefully avoiding any treatment of American victims. The program showed the astounding courage of the victims, who tried to carry on daily life, while the reporters seemed hard put to keep from bursting into laughter at the strange beings who rolled around like human eggs, maneuvering frantically to stay right side up. CBS also avoided any mention of the names of the manufacturers or distributors of thalidomide, although a typical operation of their brand of “adversary journalism” would have been to thrust a microphone into the face of the firm’s chairman, and demand to know why they didn’t realize this was a dangerous drug. CBS depends heavily on advertising revenues from the pharmaceutical manufacturers, and they are not about to offend their best customers.
William S. Merrell also produced MER/29, which was advertised as breakthrough in anticholesterol drugs. It was soon found that MER/29 caused dermatitis, changing color of hair, loss of sex drive and a condition known as “alligator skin.” In 1949, Parke-Davis’ chloromycetin was hailed as the new wonder drug. Several doctors were persuaded to give it to their children, who then died of leukemia. 75% of the cases of aplastic anemia resulting from the administration of chloromycetin were fatal. Dr. H.A. Hooks of El Paso lost his seven and a half year old son, after he had been assured by a Parke-Davis representative that the drug was safe. In December 1963, a Washington grand jury indicted Richard Merrell and chairman William S. Merrell for falsifying date to the FDA on MER/29. They filed a “no contest” plea and on June 4, 1964 were fined the maximum fine, $80,000. Parke-Davis defense counsel was a former federal judge from 1957 to 1960, Lawrence Walsh, who is now much in the news as the White Knight who is prosecuting political figures on vague charges of malfeasance.
After an oral contraceptive pill was found to cause severe reactions, the American Medical Association put great pressure on Dr. Roger Hegeberg, Assistant Secretary of HEW and the Secretary of HEW, Finch, claiming they were “over-emphasizing dangers”; the warning on the pill was then cut from 600 words to only 96 much milder words; this warning was increased by Secretary Finch himself of April 7, 1970 to 120 words of warning, which was released personally by Finch. The pill was then found to cause fatal blood clotting, heart attack and cancer. The behaviour of the AMA in this instance contrasted strangely with its violent attacks for many years on “quacks,” who it protested were the real dangers to the public.
Hoffman LaRoche marketed an intravenous drug, Versed, which was linked to forty deaths in two years by FDA studies. Richter’s definitive work, “Pills, Pesticides and Profits,” notes that a U.S. company, Velsicol, sold three million pounds of a pesticide, Phosvel (leptophos), which had never been approved by the EPA. Velsicol exported it to thirty countries. It causes extensive damage to the nervous system. In Egypt, it killed one hundred water buffalo and poisoned dozens of farmers. Velsicol is a subsidiary of Northwest Industries, a three billion dollars a year operation in Chicago whose chairman is longtime rail magnate, Ben Heinemann, a trustee of the University of Chicago, and the First Chicago Corporation. Directors of Northwest Industries are James E. Dovitt, director of Hart, Schaffner and Marx, president of Mutual of New York, and director of MONY; he is also a director of National Can. Other directors of Northwest are William B. Graham, chairman of Baxter Travenol Drug Company, also a trustee of the University of Chicago, director of Deere, Field Enterprises, Bell & Howell and Borg-Warner; National Council of U.S. China Trade; Thomas S. Hyland, vice president of Standard & Poor’s; Gaylord Freeman, director of Baxter Travenol and Atlantic Richfield; James F. Bere, chairman of Borg-Warner, director of Abbott Laboratories, Time, Inc., Hughes Tool Company and Continental Illinois Bank.
After TRIS, a fire-retardant chemical used in clothing, was banned in the United States, after years of enthusiastic advertising that it would save thousands of children from death by fire each year, the U.S. Consumer Product Safety Commission banned it in 1977. 2.4 million TRIS treated garments were then exported to the Third World. In 1977, the FDA removed dipyrene from the market. It had been found to cause severe blood disorders, interfering with the white blood cell function; it was then sold widely in Latin America with no warning.
Cloquinol, a drug used to treat amoebic dysentery, produced by Ciba-Geigy in 1934 (Batero Vioform and Mexon) was found to cause a nerve disorder. Seven hundred Japanese died from taking it, after 11,000 cases of SMON, subacute myelic optic neuropathy. Ciba-Geigy then paid a settlement to some 1500 victims and survivors. Hoechst marketed an analgesic said to be like aspirin, aminopyrein and dipyrene. It was found to cause anemia and was banned in the United States, but continued to be sold in Latin America and Asia. Chlorophenicol (chloromycetin) also is still sold in Latin America and Asia. Travellers are warned to beware of drugs in foreign countries which have long been banned in the United States.
The artificial sweetener, aspartame (Nutrasweet) has now flooded the American market. It earned $750 million for its producers in 1987, although it has come under attack as a cause of brain seizures. The debate about aspartame has been going on for thirteen years; more Congressional hearings have now been scheduled. Meanwhile, Burroughs Wellcome hopes to make millions with its new drug for AIDS, AZT. It is said to prolong the life of AIDS victims from six months to two years. This firm is owned by the Wellcome Trust, of which Lord Franks, a director of the Rockefeller Foundation, is director.
Tranquilizers continue to be big business. Roche Labs (Hoffman LaRoche) continues to push its No. 1 seller, Valium, while promoting its other sellers, Librium, Limbitrol, Marplan, Noludar, Tractan, Clonpin and Dalmane. Roche also produces Matulane, which is used in cancer therapy. This drug causes leukopenia, anemia, and thrompenia, with side effects of nausea, vomiting, stomatitis, dysphagia, diarrhea, pain, chills, fever, sweating, drowsiness, tachycardia, bleeding and leukemia. If an alternative health care practitioner ever dared to offer such a drug to the public, he would be incarcerated for life. We all know how dangerous “quacks” are to your health. Roche’s medical director, Dr. Bruce Medd, hails these drugs as boons to mankind. Listen to his rhapsodizing, “Unlike quack remedies, which are neither tested nor scientifically proven, Roche products stand for quality and efficiency. We at Roche join the fight against medical quackery and health fraud.” Despite Dr. Medd’s assurances, the Office of Technology Assessment of the U.S. Government states that 95% of the drugs on the market have not been proven to work. Indeed, this writer has never heard of any “quack” remedy producing even a fraction of the harmful side effects as those listed above as caused by Matulane, Dr. Medd’s pride and joy.
Another firm offering “proven’’ drugs is Smith, Kline Beck-man, which made its initial millions from peddling the drug known as “speed” through prescriptions from doctors, the notorious Dexedrine and Dexamil. Executives of Smith, Kline Beckman have pled guilty to 34 charges of covering up 36 deaths and cases of severe kidney damage in patients using their drug Selocrin, which was finally removed from the market. Dr. Sidney M. Wolfe, in his Health Letter, July, 1986 noted that Eli Lilly of Indiana and Smith Kline Corporation of Philadelphia pled guilty to criminal charges of failing to notify promptly the FDA of deaths and serious injuries to people using their drugs. Lilly’s Oraflex, an arthritis drug, was on the market three months and used by 600,000 Americans before it was withdrawn due to its side effects. Smith Kline’s high blood pressure, Selacryn, sold 300,000 prescriptions in eight months. Pfizer withheld information from the FDA about Feldene (pyroxicam, an arthritis drug), despite deaths and harmful side effects in other countries. McNeil’s Suprol, approved in 1985 as an oral analgesic was found to cause kidney damage. Orudis (jetoprofen), Wyeth’s arthritis drug, increased the incidence of ulcers. Merital (nomigensine), an antidepressant produced by Hoechst, was approved by the FDA in December 1984, but had to be taken off the market in January 1986, because of fatal reactions, including hemolytic anemia. Wellbutrin (buproprion) was found to cause convulsions in women and was removed from the market in March 1986.
An officially approved “standard of care’’ drug for treatment of cancer of the colon is based on the use of a highly toxic chemical, 5-F-U, despite reports in prestigious medical journals that it doesn’t work. It continues to be widely used, perhaps because the American Cancer Society owns 50% of 5-F-U. Ciba-Geigy of Switzerland has found an increasing market in the U.S. public school system for its drug Ritalin, which through some alchemy has now become the principal means of controlling “hyperactive” (read healthy) school children. Social workers had coined a new term ADD (attention defect disorder), which could be “controlled” by 20 mg tablets of Ritalin in sustained release capsules. Aided by the education establishment, which has a propensity for any drug or chemical addition to the educational process, Ritalin has had a 97% increase in use since 1985. Students are forced to take the drug, or to face immediate expulsion from school. The Wall Street Journal, January 15, 1988, noted that a number of suits have been filed against schools by anxious parents concerning the forced use of Ritalin. The Georgia Board of Medical Examiners is now looking into the skyrocketing use of Ritalin in the schools in Atlanta’s affluent suburbs. A student now on trial for murder has entered the defense that he was on Ritalin.
Pesticides persist in being even more dangerous than insects. Lindane, (Gammelin 20), produced by Hooker Chemical, a Rockefeller connected firm, causes dizziness, brain disease, convulsions, muscle spasms, and leukemia. For years, the FDA waged a battle against Shell Oil’s pesticide strips, which contain lindane. These strips and other vaporizers continuously emit lindane, and are widely used in restaurants, even though it had been established that lindane not only contaminates any food substance, but also any container for food which is not metal. Although these tests were concluded in 1953, the Pesticides Regulator continued to allow their use for another sixteen years! FDA reports showed that Shell Chemical Company’s No Pest Strips continually release Vapone 3, the lindane formulation. The Agriculture Department strictly forbade their use in meat processing plants, but the enterprising manufacturer then peddled them to restaurants. From 1965 to 1970, the U.S. Public Health Service released warnings that Shell No Pest Strips were dangerous to use in sleeping rooms of the elderly or of small children. Dr. Roy T. Hansberry, executive of Shell Chemical, which subsidized Shell Development, served on the special Agricultural Department seven member task force to study pesticide registration procedures. Shell had registered 250 pesticide products. Hansberry’s personal clearance to serve on this task force carried the unsigned note, “The Agricultural Registration Service does not have, or know of, any official business with the persons, firms or institutions with which Dr. Hansberry has other financial interests ... which might conflict or constitute a conflict of interest.”
Dr. Mitchell A. Zaron, assistant health commissioner, also served as a consultant to Shell Chemical, and owned Shell Oil stock. He issued reports which purportedly showed Vapona as so safe that it required no warnings for infants, or for old or sick persons. At a meeting of the Public Health Service, he endorsed the use of Vapona strips. John S. Leary, Jr., research division chief staff officer for Pharmacology, overruled the department’s objection to the original Shell registration of Vapona, in 1963, and continued to support the use of Vapona, until in 1966, when he resigned to join Shell Oil Company. It is estimated there have been thousands of victims each year suffering from exposure to Shell No Pest Strips.
Another pesticide, parathion, which was manufactured by Monsanto and Bayer A.G., also has had baneful side effects. The pesticide, malathion, used in Pakistan in 1976, poisoned 2,500 persons, many of whom died. And DDT, as we have noted, long after its ban in the United States, continues to find a ready market overseas, much to the profit of Mansanto, its producer.
In 1975, investigators found that two widely prescribed drugs, Adactone and Flagyl, produced by G.D. Searle Company, caused cancer in test animals. They had annual sales of $17.3 million. The firm had given FDA fraudulent data and destroyed records of tumors in mice caused by these drugs.
A Consumers Protective Message, issued from Washington March 15, 1962, noted that since 1938, manufacturers had to demonstrate the efficacy of a medicine to the government before marketing it. However, the regulation contained a significant loophole—there was no stated requirement for a demonstration of its efficacy, or to furnish evidence that the drug “will live up to its claim of its labelling.” The Message stated, “There is no way of measuring the needless suffering, the money innocently squandered and the protraction of illnesses resulting from the use of such inefficient drugs.” In 1962, Congress enacted the Kefauver-Harris amendments requiring evidence of efficacy. The evidence was to be judged by the Food and Drug Administration Bureau of Medicine, but the post of chief of that bureau was vacant because Bois-feuillet Jones, special assistant for medical affairs at HEW, blocked the appointment of Dr. Charles D. May, a distinguished physician who had testified at the Kefauver hearings on the methods of the pharmaceutical manufacturers in promoting prescription drugs. Dr. May had testified that the payola and other promotions amounted to three and a half times as much as the cost of all the educational programs in our medical schools. Jones “won the confidence of the pharmaceutical industry by blocking the appointment of Dr. May” according to a report in Drug Research Reports, June, 1964. Instead of Dr. May, Jones chose Dr. Joseph F. Sadusk, Jr. who did everything he could to thwart the efficacy legislation, according to testimony before the Senate Committee on Government Operations. Sadusk later became a vice-president of Parke-Davis. Sadusk had prevented the recall of Parke-Davis’ antibiotic drug Chloramphenicaol, which had resulted in blood toxicity and leukopenia, before he was offered the vice-presidency of Parke-Davis. He was succeeded as medical director of the FDA by Dr. Joseph M. Pisani at the Bureau of Medicine. Pisani left to work for the Proprietary Association of Drug Manufacturers. The next head of the Bureau of Medicine later became a top executive at Hoffman LaRoche. Dr. Howard Cohn, former head of the FDA medical evaluation board, was offered a job at Ciba-Geigy which he accepted. Dr. Harold Anderson, chief of the FDA drug division, was given a job with Winthrop Drug Company. Morris Yakowitz found that his experience at FDA made him eligible for a job at Smith Kline and French drug firm. Allan E. Rayfield, who had been director of Regulatory Compliance, accepted a position with Richardson-Merrell, Inc.
Thus we find that the revolving door has long been a characteristic of government regulation of the pharmaceutical industry. Surgeon General Leonard Scheele became president of Warner-Lambert Research Labs; FDA Commissioner Charles C. Edwards is now listed as senior vice-president of Becton Dickinson, a large medical supply firm. Although it is hardly a household word, it does one billion dollars a year in the medical field. Its chairman, Wesley Howe, is founding chairman of the Health Industry Manufacturers Association. FDA Commissioner James L. Goddard became chairman of the board at Ormont Drug and Chemical Company, whose president is George Goldenberg. The previously mentioned Joseph Sadusk, the top physician at FDA, after accepting a position as vice-president of Parke-Davis, later was named its president.
One might think that these gentlemen had left FDA only to find more pleasant working conditions, which were notably depressing at FDA. Dr. Richard Crout, test director at the FDA Bureau of Drugs, addressed the Pharmaceutical Manufacturers Association in 1976 as follows: “There was open drunkenness by several employees which went on for months ... crippled by what some peopled called the worst personnel in government. There was intimidation internally by people, people tittering in corners, throwing spitballs; I am describing physicians, people who would slouch down in a chair, not respond to questions, moan and groan with sweeping gestures.” (from New England Journal of Medicine, May 27, 1976).
One may ask why a government department composed of professionally educated scientists and physicians would tolerate such working conditions. The answer is that that Medical Monopoly wanted these conditions and saw to it that they prevailed at the FDA, so as to drive away sincere, dedicated government servants who wanted only to do their job, who desired to protect the public from dangerous drugs. It seems that the most dangerous drugs are also the most profitable, because they produce dramatic, easily seen results. Unfortunately, they also tend to produce such dramatic side effects as kidney and brain damage, or sudden death.
The drug manufacturers are adept at organizing influential lobbying groups in Washington, of which the public remains unaware. Some ninety-six companies, including Dow, Monsanto, Hoffman LaRoche and many others, put up five thousand dollars each per year to support the Council of Agricultural Science and Technology and the Institute of Food Technology, groups which systematically mislead the public about the dangers of cancer-causing food additives. They are able to minimize and weaken the frequent attempts by Congressmen to expose the dangers of many of these additives. It is all part of the game of public relations.
In the 1950s, Senator Estes Kefauver was one of the nation’s most influential politicians. It seemed certain that he was headed for the White House. However, due to a flood of complaints from his constituents about the drug industry practices of gouging the elderly and producing dangerous drugs, Kefauver scheduled comprehensive hearings before the Senate on the widespread abuses committed by the Medical Monopoly. He even called his Subcommittee, the Senate Anti-Monopoly Subcommittee. These hearings, held during 1959 and 1960, revealed that Schering had markups of 1,118% on its drug, predisone and that other drug manufacturers routinely showed profits of from 10,000% to 20,000% on their drugs. The outcome of these hearings was the government recommendations for the promotion of “generic,” or cheaper non-brand-name, drugs for mass sales of the same drugs at cheaper prices. Ostensibly a move to curb the excessive profits of the drug companies, the net result was that these companies showed vast increases in their volume of sales, with corresponding increase in profits. A more tragic result was that these hearings proved to be Senator Kefauver’s political Waterloo. Stung by the publicity and the criticism which resulted from the hearings, the word went out from the Medical Monopoly, which we have shown, is not merely the officers and employees visible to the public, but the shadowy figures in the background, (many of them aliens, who control millions of shares in these companies through the practice of “street names,” concealing their power), that “Kefauver is through.” When he inaugurated his campaign for the presidency, he found that funds had mysteriously dried up. Without money, his candidacy was doomed. Disconsolate, he abandoned his campaign for the White House and later died, some said of a broken heart. Political figures got the message; there have been no repeats of the Kefauver hearings on the abuses of the drug industry. Individual products, such as the current furore over aspartame, may come under Congressional scrutiny, but the overall operations of the Drug Trust remain immune from Congressional investigation.
Meanwhile, the drug companies roar ahead with vast sales and record profits on their new drugs. Squibb’s Capoten, a hypertension drug, could reach $900 million in sales this year, almost a billion dollars from a single product! Merck expects Vesoten, another hypertension drug, to reach $720 million in sales this year. In 1987, Merck had thirteen products in eight therapeutic classes which reached sales of more than $100 million each. Because of this high volume, the cost of production had dropped steadily for the major drug firms, an average of a 15% drop since 1980. In effect, this has meant an increase in profits of 15% from this single factor.
In 1987, Syntex reported that 53% of its sales volume of $1.1 billion came from just two products, Noprosyn and Ahaprox. Business Week, January 11, 1988, predicts “another gold mine for U.S. Drugmakers.” However, this gold mine would be nothing more than another dry shaft were it not for the continuing increasing prescription for these drugs to their patients by U.S. physicians. The Medical Monopoly’s weak link is that it is almost totally dependent on doctors and hospital personnel to promote its profitable items. The $18 to $20 million expenditure required to get a new drug through the testing period of from three to twelve years is not intended to protect the public from “dangerous” new drugs. It is needed to protect the Drug Trust as long as possible, affording them the necessary time to milk their present drugs for as much sales as possible before they are replaced by newer competing drugs. It is called “protecting market share” in the business world. It would be called a violation of the anti-trust laws were the drug firms not immune from prosecution under these statutes.
As the stock market slowly recovered from the well planned and executed Black Monday, the stock market crash of October 19, 1987, the drug firms are more than holding their own, rewarding the astute monopolists who bought in at the bottom of the market. Typical of investment policies of insurance companies are those of Equitable Life, which in 1987, had 7.8% of its assets invested in the stock of drug manufacturers, including $13 million in Marion Labs, $4 million in Merck, $7 million in Syntex and $4 million in Upjohn. Another 5.8% of its investments were in the stock of the very profitable hospital supply firms.
No chronicle of the world’s important drug firms would be complete without relating the connection between drug firms and the world drug operation known as “Dope, Inc.” It began with a small group of international financiers, headquartered in London, who officiated in the setting up of an “American” intelligence service, which was initially known as the Office of Strategic Services during World War II. This organization was set up under the close supervision of the British Secret Intelligence Service and was later disbanded by President Truman, who was highly suspicious of its operations. The OSS then went underground at the State Department as a “research group” working on “behavioural theory.” It was led by one Evron Kirkpatrick, whose wife, Jeane Kirkpatrick, is a director of the Rockefeller financed Trotskyite group, League for Industrial Democracy and who is frequently touted as “a great anti-Communist,” the catch being that all good Trotskyites are vehemently opposed to the Moscow branch of the Communist Party. They still mourn the passing of their leader, Leon Trotsky, who was murdered by a Stalinist agent in Mexico City in 1940. The Kirkpatrick group then resurfaced as “the Central Intelligence Agency,” headed by Allen Dulles, a partner in the Schroder Bank, the bank which had handled Adolf Hitler’s personal bank account. Dulles’ brother, John Foster Dulles, was then Secretary of State under President Eisenhower.
Whatever interest the CIA may have had in “intelligence,” it soon became clear that its primary interest was in the realization of the enormous profits to be made in the international dope trade. Because British fortunes in the early nineteenth century had been founded in this trade, it was logical that the SIS operatives who set up our OSS, later CIA, would have been programmed to go into this business. It later became known by the inside sobriquet, “the Company,” meaning, of course, an enterprise in which one became engaged for profit. The excuse advanced to justify going into this business was that a “stingy” Congress refused to advance enough money to the CIA to finance its covert operations; therefore a loyal CIA agent would do whatever possible to aid “the Company” to raise funds needed for this work. In fact, some of its most active agents, such as Edwin Wilson, suddenly wound up owning six million dollar estates in the developing area off the Washington Beltway, a certain indication that there was indeed a lot of money coming in from somewhere. What is the present magnitude of the CIA world drug operation ? Lt. Col. Bo Gritz, who has thirty years of distinguished service with the United States Army Special Forces, testified before the House Foreign Affairs Committee International Narcotic Task Force that 900 tons of heroin and opium would enter the free world in 1987, the source being Southeast Asia and the Golden Triangle. Col. Gritz had been to Asia a number of times to confer with one of Asia’s largest drug producers, Khun Sa. Khun Sa then laid the blame for the world drug operation squarely at the door of some well known CIA operatives, including Theodore Shackley, who served as chief of station for the CIA in Laos from 1965 to 1975. Khun Sa stated that Shackley had worked closely with Mao Se Hung, who was then the leading drug smuggler in Southeast Asia. Another colleague of Shackley was a “civilian” named Santos Trafficante. Trafficante had long been a leading figure in the Mafia, and had been called before Congress to testify about a possible attempt on the life of Castro in Cuba. When the Communist regime took over, the Mafia lost an empire of gambling and prostitution in Havana and other cities. They sought revenge. Trafficante was commissioned by Meyer Lansky, the Moneybags of the Syndicate, to get rid of Castro. Whether the attempt failed, or as is more likely, the Mafia came to an understanding with Castro about the dope traffic, is not yet known. Trafficante then became heavily involved in the Pacific area of the drug traffic, becoming a go-between for the Nugan Hand operation, the drug bank in Australia and the Golden Triangle.
Another prominent personality identified by Khun Sa and others as active in the drug trade was Richard Armitage, whose drug operations began during the Vietnam War. He later moved to the U.S. Embassy in Bangkok. From 1975 to 1979, according to witnesses, he used his embassy position to carry on drug operations. He then left that post, establishing the Far East Trading Corporation in Bangkok. Armitage was later appointed by President Reagan as Assistant Secretary of Defense in charge of International Security Affairs, reporting directly to the Secretary of Defense, Casper Weinberger. Business tycoon Ross Perot then learned of Armitage’s history. He went to the White House, demanding that Armitage be fired. He talked to George Bush, former head of the CIA, who gave him the brushoff by sending him to FBI Director William Webster (shortly afterwards, Webster was quietly appointed head of the CIA). Webster refused to act on Perot’s complaints, which opened the door for his appointment to the CIA post. Meanwhile, Weinberger, fearful that the role of the Defense Department in the drug scandal was about to unfold, hastily resigned. He was succeeded by Frank Carlucci, who was then serving as National Security Advisor, and who was well versed in the entire operation. Carlucci personally ordered Perot to drop his crusade against Armitage. Because Perot’s fortune had been built on huge government contracts, he had no choice but to back off. Other personages involved were General Richard Secord, who surfaced as a figure in the Iran-Contra affair, who had boasted of flying plane loads of gold to Southeast Asia to pay off the drug smugglers.
The daytime soap opera known as the Iran-Contra affair was made to order for the secretive operatives of the CIA. They delighted in leading the obtuse members of Congress on one wild goose chase after another, while the real story remained untold. It was chef’s surprise, a culinary delight of drugs, the sale of arms to belligerents, and money, well seasoned with political sauce, stirred with various commitments to the State of Israel by leading Washington politicians, and topped with luscious Swiss bank accounts. In fact, the Iran Contra affair was the logical culmination of the longtime involvement of the Rockefeller interests and the Drug Trust in pro-Communist activity. John D. Rockefeller himself had tucked the sum of $10,000 in cash into Leon Trotsky’s pocket before seeing him off to start the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia. The Trotskyite Socialist Workers Party which was left behind to subvert the United States, was operating under the name of the Socialist Workers Party. It was then given the cover name of League for Industrial Democracy. Thus the Drug Trust, while maintaining the Stalinist Communist government in Russia, simultaneously maintained a Communist backup regime in the United States, the Trotskyite movement, in case the Stalinist regime should fall. Noticeably irked by this competition, Stalin sent an agent Mexico to eliminate his rival, whom he had previously exiled, realizing that Trotsky was still too popular in Russia to be murdered there.
The Trotsky organization now had its political martyr. During the 1950s, it quietly placed its members in power in the media, the universities and the government, replacing, in most instances, the incumbent Stalinist hardliners. The Stalinists in Washington who had surrounded Roosevelt and Truman were gradually replaced with “neoconservatives,” that is, hard-line anti-Moscow ideologues, who later added to their masquerade by additional and impressive noms de plume, such as “the Hard Right,” “the New Right,” “the Religious Right,” or, in some instances, merely as “conservatives.” None other than the Hollywood man on the white horse, Ronald Reagan, rode into power in 1980 on a tide of “neoconservatism.” His principal backing came from the CIA, which by then was only a mouthpiece for the neoconservatives, and its house organ, the National Review, whose editor, William Buckley, boasted that the only job he had ever had was with the CIA. Jeane Kirkpatrick, of the Rockefeller financed League for Industrial Democracy, became the spokesman for the new policy, while Reagan’s entire team was dominated by the Hoover Institution, whose two senior fellows, Sydney Hook and Seymour Martin Lipset, were on the board of LID. Thus David Rockefeller maintained close liason with the Stalinist Communists in Moscow, while other Rockefeller interests directed the “anti-Communist” stance of the Reagan regime. It was a classic Hegelian operation of thesis and antithesis, with the still unresolved synthesis yet to come. The power of the LID lay in its domination of the CIA and its total commitment to the State of Israel as the world headquarters of the Trotskyite Communist movement. Thus Elliott Abrams, son-in-law of the Israeli propagandist Norman Podhoretz, who was editor of the American Jewish Committee organ, Commentary, was appointed by Reagan to direct the Contra operation in Nicaragua, a classic standoff between the Stalinist regime in Managua and Trotskyite directed rebels in the hills.
The drug involvement in this operation should surprise no one, because the Rockefeller interests, having established the American Drug Trust, had long been active not only in ethical drugs but in unethical ones as well. The contra affair not only threatened to blow the lid off the Iran Connection; it endangered the Israeli Connection, the Swiss Connection, and the Rockefeller Connection as well. The danger was averted by astute maneuvering of the docile congressmen, and by adroit manipulation of the media to focus on Col. Oliver North and Admiral Poindexter, to the exclusion of their controllers. Thus a “crusade against Communism,” a noble effort to contain the Communists a la George Kennan, to be financed with “dirty” money from the sale of drugs, was at last revealed to be the same old crew of CIA agents peddling their drugs and laundering their money in various parts of the world. (The present writer is now researching a book which will document all of these operations.)
The CIA drug connection was not only deeply rooted in the quest for easy profits, but also in the concurrent plan to achieve total control over the people of the world by the masters of the Drug Trust. Thus Bowart states, “The Cryptocracy is a brotherhood reminiscent of the ancient secret societies, with rites of initiation and indoctrination programs to develop in its loyal membership the special understanding of its mysteries. It has secret codes and oaths of silence which reinforce the sense of elitism necessary for the maintenance of its strict loyalty.” The present writer has described some of these secret rites in “The Curse of Canaan.”
The emphasis on drugs and experimentation which originated with the German allopathic school of medicine, and which was brought to this hemisphere by Illuminati initiates such as Daniel Coit Gilman, was the first step in transforming the entire medical practice of the United States from a patient-oriented, healing process to a totally different approach, in which the patient became an instrument to be manipulated for the benefit of various other programs, mainly experimental science. This had been typified by Dr. J. Marion Sims, the “mad doctor” responsible for setting up what is now the Rockefeller controlled Memorial Hospital Sloan Kettering Cancer Center in New York. This total commitment to “Science” also guided and inspired the CIA drug programs, Projects Bluebird, Artichoke, MK Ultra, and MK Delta, in which some 139 drugs were used on unsuspecting victims, the substances abused including cannabis, LSD, Scopolamine, Sodium Amytal, Chloral Hydrate (the knockout drops of the Old West), ergot, cocaine, morphine and heroin.
The CIA drug story begins in 1943, when the organization was still known as the OSS. A Dr. Albert Hoffmann was experimenting in the Sandoz Laboratories in Switzerland (Sandoz was then controlled by the Warburg family). Although Sandoz has been manufacturing a substance known as LSD, or lysergic acid, since 1938, it had only been used in experiments with monkeys. A later form of this substance, LSD-25, produced amazing psychotropic effects, as Dr. Hoffmann accidentally discovered, when he absorbed a small quantity of rye fungus, the base for the drug, while he was working. This happened during August of 1943, at the height of the Second World War. Dr. Hoffmann later reported, “There surged upon me an uninterrupted stream of fantastic images of extraordinary plasticity and vividness and accompanied by an intense kaeleidoscopic-like play of colors ... I thought I was dying or going crazy.” This was the first “trip,” the precursor of millions of such experiences by drug cultists. By 1958, Dr. Hoffmann had expanded his interests to Mexican mushrooms and mescaline, both of which then became very popular among leading bankers in New York, and among prominent Hollywood personalities.
At the time of the discovery of LSD, Allen Dulles was posted in Switzerland, as though by precognition. It was under his leadership that the CIA became transformed into the foremost operation of Dope, Inc. He was then engaged in various activities with officials of the Nazi regime. To this day, no one has been able to ascertain whether he was trying to preserve the Hitler regime, or to overthrow it. The most likely assumption is that he was trying to preserve it to a point, lest the war end too soon for the profit-minded munitions makers, but at the same time to prevent any sort of victorious ending for his Nazi cohorts. The notes of Gotterdammerung had already been sounded. Dulles’ association with the Hitler regime went back to a fateful meeting in Cologne in 1933, when he and his brother, John Foster Dulles, assured Hitler the money would be forthcoming to guarantee the fruition of his goals as he had set them forth in “Mein Kampf.” Allen Dulles later became a director of the Schroder Bank, which handled Hitler’s personal bank account. Interestingly, enough, no one has ever been able to trace one cent of Hitler’s considerable personal fortune, which he had received from the sale of his books and other income. Unlike his opponent, Franklin D. Roosevelt, Hitler had no trust fund from his mother (the proceeds from the China opium trade).
Dulles, as an international spymaster, would probably have been aware of Dr. Hoffmann’s experiments. After he had returned to the United States and became director of the newly created CIA, Dulles ordered 10 kg of LSD from Sandoz, the stated purpose being “for use in drug experiments with animals and human beings. As there are some 10,000 doses per gram, this meant that Dulles ordered one hundred million doses of LSD. Meanwhile, a Dr. Timothy Leary had been hired by the National Institute of Health to experiment with psychedelic drugs, including LSD. Leary had already been forced to resign from West Point, and was later fired from the faculty at Harvard, perhaps the only person who could say this. Leary’s NIH study was financed by a grant from the Uris Foundation of New York City. It continued from 1953 to 1956, when it was moved to the U.S. Public Health Service, the experiments going on until 1958, and also at HEW from 1956 to 1963. A CIA Memo dated November 1, 1963 featured glowing accounts of the work of Dr. Leary and his associate, Dr. Richard Alpert (who also was later fired from the staff at Harvard). They invented the turn on, tune in, drop out movement which incapacitated the youth of America for an entire generation. The movement, in which the CIA always had a proprietary interest, was given academic status when it was launched from the ivy-covered halls of Harvard by Leary and his group. After their forced departure from Harvard, they were esconced in a million dollar estate in New York by the wealthy Mellon heir, Tommy Hitchcock. Their movement swept over the campuses of American universities and destroyed the educational opportunities for thousands of American youths.
A later governmental investigation of the CIA, which was chaired, naturally enough, by Nelson Rockefeller, made this comment in its Rockefeller Report to the President on CIA activities, “Beginning in the late 1940s, the CIA began to study the properties of certain behaviour-influencing drugs ... all the records concerning the program were ordered destroyed in 1973, including a total of 152 separate files. CIA also contracted with the then Bureau of Narcotics to have mind-influencing drugs given to unwitting subjects in ‘normal life-settings.’"
The above referred to several unfortunate incidents, in which CIA employees, who had been given doses of LSD without their knowledge, committed suicide under its malign influence. The families of these victims learned many years later of the true circumstances of these “suicides” and successfully sued the government to obtain financial settlements.
Of the various CIA projects, the most notorious was MK Ultra. These programs were supervised by another prototype of the “mad doctor,” a Dr. Sidney Gottlieb. Despite the havoc wrought by his activities, Dr. Gottlieb was never brought to trial. Indeed, the then director of the CIA, Richard Helms, made certain that all records of the MK Ultra operation were destroyed during his last days in office, leaving Dr. Gottlieb immune to prosecution.
Dr. Gottleib, who has been described by observers as “a pharmaceutical Dr. Strangelove,” envisioned dosing entire populations with hallucinogenic drugs. Influenced by his CIA experiments, the U.S. Army contemplated a program of driving whole populations insane with these drugs. Some 1,500 military personnel were then given LSD in tests run by the Army Chemical Corps, during the mid 1960s. Many of them suffered severe psychological damage, the most terrifying symptoms appearing years later. The Army then moved on to testing a more powerful chemical hallucinogen, which it called B.Z This drug was tested at Edgewood Arsenal between 1959 and 1975. About 2,800 soldiers were exposed to B.Z. Some of them have since lodged complaints that they suffered irreparable damage from the experiment.
One of the peripheral results of the CIA drug program was the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, the blame subsequently being laid at the door of various groups, the CIA, the Mafia, the Cuban Communists and others. The basis for these charges was that all of them were deeply involved. To cover up the trail, some forty people later died by violence. Some of them were media writers, the most prominent being the late Dorothy Kilgallen, a widely known columnist. In 1965 she used her connections to get permission to interview Jack Ruby in his prison cell. She later told friends that she had been able to obtain evidence that would “blow the J.F. Kennedy case sky high.” Shortly afterwards, she was found in her apartment, dead of what was later diagnosed as an “overdose” of barbiturates and alcohol. The apartment was a shambles, and all of her notes of her conversations with Ruby had disappeared. To this day, no one has ever admitted seeing them. The Medical Monopoly then used Kilgallen’s death as an excuse to issue pious warning about “the dangers of mixing barbiturates and alcohol” but said nothing about the dangers of visiting Jack Ruby. Early in 1967, Ruby repeatedly complained that he was being poisoned. He was then diagnosed as having cancer, but he died of a “stroke,” as did one of his accomplices, David Ferrie.
The apparition of Dr. Sidney Gottlieb as the CIA’s “mad scientist” is eclipsed by the record of Dr. D. Ewen Cameron, who epitomized the Hollywood version of the insane doctor experimenting on helpless human subjects. Born in Scotland, Dr. Cameron moved to the United States, where he became a citizen. Although he carried on most of his medical work in Canada, he was a resident of Lake Placid, New York. The basis for the two-country operation may have been a desire to avoid lawsuits. In 1943, Dr. Cameron received a grant from the Rockefeller Foundation to set up a new psychiatric institute, the Allen Memorial Institute, as a wing of the Royal Victorian Hospital, the teaching hospital of McGill University in Montreal. This Rockefeller connection later resulted in some $10 million of CIA money being channelled to Cameron through Dr. Gottlieb as part of the MK Ultra project. This money was transferred to Dr. Cameron, beginning in 1953, because he had already demonstrated his commitment to mind-altering experiments. The CIA funds were therefore marked for mind control.
Dr. Cameron had come to the favorable attention of the Rockefeller interests after he invented some of the most terrifying “psychiatric” techniques ever known. He invented a process called “depatterning” as well as a later technique called “psychic driving,” either of which would have done credit to any Communist brain washing expert. “Depatterning” began with heavy drug dosages, combined with electric shock, the then popular Electro Convulsive Therapy, or ECT, as it was usually known. It was later discredited for years because of the damage to the patients, but, incredibly, has now been revived and is in constant use in some circles. ECT has been described by its victims as the most terrifying ordeal which can be imagined. Basically, it was simply the electrocution process which was shut off just before it became fatal. The patient was strapped into a chair and electrocuted two or three times a day.
Initially, depatterning was limited to the heavy drug dosages, over a period from fifteen to thirty days; this part of the program was called “sleep therapy.” A “sleep cocktail,” which itself was worthy of the imagination of a Dr. Frankenstein, consisted of 100 mg of Thorazine, 100 mg of Nembutal, 100 mg of Seconal, 150 mg of Vernonal and 100 mg. of Phenergan, any one of which would be enough to put any patient to sleep. The sleep cocktail was administered to the patient three times a day. Later in the sleep therapy treatment, the patient was awakened two or three times a day to receive the electric shock treatments. Dr. Cameron ignored the recommended voltage for shock treatments, increasing them twenty to forty times higher than any other doctor had ever dared. He watched approvingly as the helpless patients screamed constantly during the electro-shock “therapy.” It was his fond belief that the screams also were an essential part of the treatment, although it is likely that it represented his personal gratification.
The next step in depatterning, which was also one of the weirder Cameron inventions, was “sensory isolation,” in which the patient was placed in a large box, with his eyes padded and his ears plugged. After some thirty days of the Cameron depatterning treatment, the patient was reduced to a helpless zombie. Satisfied that he had purged the patient of all previous images and ideas, Dr. Cameron moved into the next phase, which he called “psychic driving.” This consisted of forcing the patient to listen to tape-recorded messages, repeated over and over, thousands of times. This “treatment” was administered through pillow speakers or headphones. Every intelligence agency in the world was green with envy when they heard of the new Cameron techniques. Luckily, the CIA had been the first on the scene, and provided him with ample funds for his lunatic obsessions.
Born in 1901 near Glasgow, Cameron had studied at the University of London, where he may have picked up some of his strange ideas. It is also likely that he became involved with some cult in London, which featured such monstrous ideas. After all, Mary Shelley had written Frankenstein in that very milieu. Throughout his activities in Canada, the CIA Technical Services and the Staff Chemical Division enthusiastically funded his work. Honors poured in on him, as word spread about his “innovative” techniques. He became chairman of the Canadian Psychiatric Association, chairman of the American Psychiatric Association, and founding chairman of the World Psychiatric Association.
After Dr. Cameron’s death in 1967, the CIA found itself besieged by some of the survivors of his victims. In the most advanced stages of MK Ultra, he had experimented on some 53 people. This group included some prominent Canadians. An action was finally brought by Harry Weinstein, whose father Louis had been a leading Montreal businessman. Another victim was Velma Orlikon, wife of a Democratic Party Member of the Canadian Parliament. Despite these pedigrees, the victims found themselves up against a stone wall. The Washington Post noted in January, 1988, that the CIA was still fighting the action of nine elderly Canadians who had been drugged during the 1950s and who were asking $175,000 each in damages, later increased to $1,000,000 each. The case was then ordered to trial, after nine years of delaying tactics by the CIA, but no one is predicting a speedy solution.
During the Cameron era, the CIA continued its own experiments in the United States. They enlisted the services of a narcotic operator, George Hunter White, and set him up in an apartment in Greenwich Village. He was given a cover identity as an artist and a seaman, who met people at parties or in bars and lured them back to the apartment. The CIA money had transformed the seedy apartment into an espionage apparatus complete with two-way mirrors, surveillance and recording equipment and other tools of the trade. White dosed his visitors with LSD, while the CIA equipment meticulously recorded their reactions. These frequently consisted of “bad trips” in which the victims went temporarily insane, tried to commit suicide or murder and gave other evidences of the “mind control” which the CIA wished to learn.
To avoid exposure from complainants, the CIA transferred White to San Francisco, where he was given the run of two more CIA pads. He then initiated Operation Midnight Climax. Drug addicted prostitutes were paid to pick men up in local bars and bring them back for an orgy which featured drinks heavily laced with LSD. The ensuing action was taped and photographed in every detail, although the results are not likely to be made available to the Library of Congress.
Despite the excesses to which doctors such as Dr. Cameron and Dr. Sims went in their scientific enthusiasm, there are horror stories equally disturbing from the clinical experiments conducted by the ethical drug companies. With hundreds of millions in dollars of potential profits riding on each new drug product, the Medical Monopoly must comply with the regulations which they themselves have drafted and put into place. The purpose of the regulations is to protect the market share of a new wonder drug until it can be replaced by a newer wonder drug. As one alternative health care practitioner, who had been sent to prison for selling herbal teas, remarked, “A wonder drug is a drug that you take and then you wonder what it’s going to do to you.”
The restrictions on new drugs are usually complied with if the manufacturer believes it may be a big money maker. He is not about to release a new drug to the market, have it meet with success and then be forced to recall it because he has not complied with all of the regulations. From 1948 to 1958, pharmaceutical companies introduced 4,829 new products, 3,686 new compounds and 1,143 new dosages. All of these products had to go through the process. New drugs are reported to take an average time of from seven to ten years to receive final FDA approval, a process which costs from ten to twelve million dollars, frequently as much as eighteen to twenty million. Clinical testing goes through three clearly defined phases. Phase I calls for the testing of the new drug on a small number of healthy people. Phase II requires that “volunteers” take the drug during a two year trial basis. Phase III calls for more diverse clinical testing on from one thousand to three thousand patients over a three year period. This means that doctors and hospitals administer the drug only because the Phase II testing has established its toxicity and other possible side effects. These are generally patients who are in a position to sue or generate unfavorable publicity if the drug proves to be dangerous, which means that those who prescribe the drug are relying on the Phase II testing to recommend it as reliable.
Phase II, in which the drug is tested on human beings, generally requires a captive population. The drugs are sometimes tested secretly in schools, hospitals and mental institutions, but the pharmaceutical manufacturers usually prefer to rely on a much safer test population, those confined to our prisons, because they are unlikely to complain. Even inmates of mental institutions have been known to complain, after their release, that they were subjected to illegal drug testing. Prisoners who have been convicted of crimes are less likely to complain. Since the turn of the century, the United States has led the world in the number of medical experiments carried on in prisons.
The law-abiding citizen might think that it is all right to conduct medical experiments on prisoners, even though a number of German doctors were executed for just such an offense. Drug testing might be one way in which the prisoner could repay his debt to society. However, the reality of the situation today is that, although there are many criminals confined in our prisons, there are also increasing numbers of Americans sent to prisons for political offenses. These political prisoners run the same risks in medical experiments as do the most hardened criminals. Each year, a larger number of sentences are handed down by American courts as punishment for banking problems, mortgage problems or tax problems.
Because of the Medical Monopoly’s control of the media, the use of prisoners in medical experiments rarely comes to the attention of the American people. An exhaustive search of magazine indexes from 1900 to the present day reveals only a few such stories, which were uniformly favorable to the experiments. The prisoners themselves have little media access, unless they riot and bring the cameramen in in force, with the full top story treatment. The American Medical Association is still the leading advocate of using prisoners for drug testing. The columnist, Pertinax, writing in the British Medical Journal, January 1963 commented, “I’m disturbed that the World Medical Association is now hedging on its clause about using criminals as experimental material. The AMA influence has been at work on its suspension. At the tenth meeting, American scientists joked about it. One of the nicest American scientists I know was heard to say ‘Criminals in our prisons are fine experimental material—and much cheaper than chimpanzees’.”
The scientist was not making a bad joke—chimpanzees cost as much as $4500 each, while American prisoners can be had for as little as one dollar a day. Pertinax was commenting on the proposal made by the World Medical Association in 1961, and offered for adoption, that “prisoners, being captive groups, should not be used as the subjects of experiments.” The proposal was vociferously objected to by delegates from the American Medical Association and it was finally tabled.
If this smacks somewhat of the crimes of “Nazi doctors” and their experiments on prisoners, the coincidence is not accidental. The accused physicians testified in their own defense that they were merely following practices of long standing in the United States. At one trial, in 1947, 515 German doctors were tried at Nuremberg, indicted on the charge that they had conducted experiments on prisoners. They entered evidence in their defense that in 1906, American doctors in Philadelphia had used convicts for medical experiments, injecting them with plague and beri beri germs; in 1915, pellagra was injected into convicts in Massachusetts; in 1944, hundreds of prisoners in the United States were injected with malaria under the excuse of wartime necessity, to aid our soldiers in the Pacific. Despite this defense, the German doctors were convicted and some of them were executed.
The subject surfaced again with the recent publication of Robert Jay Lufton’s book, “Nazi Doctors,” one of the series of books about Nazis which pour from American presses in an ever-increasing stream, obeying the dictum that anything sells in the United States if a swastika is emblazoned on the cover. The book resulted in a spirited discussion in the Letters page of the New York Times Sunday Book Review. Bruno Bettelheim had originally reviewed the book, asserting that the effort to understand the Nazi doctors was wrong, “because of the ever-present danger that understanding fully may come close to forgiving.” Christians, of course, offer forgiveness as a basic religious precept. Paul Ramsey wrote to include an excerpt from an advertisement, “Professor McCance and the members of the Medical Research Department want to be informed, if and when children are born in lying-in homes and women’s wards in hospitals afflicted with Meningocele or similar abnormalities, which will make it unlikely that the children will survive longer than a short time. Professor McCance and his department wish to make some experiments on these children, which will give them no sorts of pains, but they feel not entitled to make these experiments on normal, healthy children. When the birth of these children comes to be known, Professor McCance is to be informed at once by telephone.”
Mr. Ramsey noted that this advertisement appeared in an American publication in 1946, while the German doctors were on trial. Telford Taylor, the American prosecutor at the Nuremberg trials, wrote to the Times to correct errors which had already appeared, including the statement that one of those sentenced was “Edwin Katzenellenbogen, who at one time had been a member of the faculty at Harvard Medical School.’’ Taylor stated that no one by the name of Kazenellenbogen had ever been tried at Nuremberg. Indeed, the name seems to have been included as an elaborate practical joke, the name having surfaced in previous practical jokes. The Times made no apology. Telford Taylor further pointed out that twenty physicians had been tried at Nuremberg in the instance mentioned, not nineteen as stated in the review, and that four were hanged, five sentenced to life in prison, three received lesser sentences and seven were acquitted on all charges.”
Large scale medical experimentation, similar to that which was condemned as a crime at Nuremberg at the same time that it was still being practiced in American prisons, takes undue advantage of the “volunteers.” Some are illiterate; most are young and healthy and have never had any serious illness. They have little concept of what it may be like to come down with a serious illness as a result of being injected with experimental drugs, or the lifelong complications which may result.
In 1963, Time magazine ran an expose of large scale programs which federal government officials had established in our prisons. These vast testing programs were justified as being part of the “war on cancer’’ which Bobst and the Laskers had launched from the White House. The doctors were injecting prisoners with live cancer cells and with blood from persons suffering from leukemia. Several doctors in Oklahoma were grossing three hundred thousand dollars a year from drug manufacturers in these deals; these doctors also regularly collected blood from prisoners, paying them $7 a quart; they then sold the blood for $15.
During the 1940s, when the first stories about the use of prisoners in medical experiments began to receive some circulation, the American Medical Association requested Governor Dwight of Illinois to scotch the stories. He whitewashed the experiments by appointing Morris Fishbein and other AMA leaders to a committee which solemnly “investigated” the programs and returned with glowing reports. Fishbein himself came back from Stateville Penitentiary to describe the prisoner experiments as “ideal, because of their conformity with ethical rules.” Fishbein elaborated his enthusiasm by pointing out that the program rendered a genuine service to the entire public because of the “reformation value in serving as a subject in a medical experiment.” One might have expected Fishbein to appear at Nuremberg, to defend the German doctors with the same argument, that they had offered this same “reformation value” to the inmates of the concentration camps. A public relations spokesman for Wyeth laboratories was puzzled by the indignation in some quarters, releasing a statement that “Almost all of our Phase II testing is done on prisoners.”
In fact, there was fierce and ongoing competition among the major drug firms to line up prisoners who could be used as “subjects” in medical experiments. Upjohn and Parke-Davis adhered to established principles of monopoly when they acquired “exclusive rights” to the inmates of Jackson State Prison in Mississippi. These firms subsequently were able to enroll 1,200 of the 4,000 convicts there in the testing program. Business Week offered a somewhat critical comment on the program, pointing out that “tests at the prison are designed primarily to measure the toxicity of the drug rather than its efficiency ... doses are built up gradually to the point where adverse reactions occur.” In plainer English, the dosage was increased until it made the prisoner so ill or caused serious damage. The results often were crippling or death. However, the prisoners were paid thirty cents a day for submitting to these experiments. Business Week touched upon the fact that it was precisely the life-threatening aspect of Phase II testing for which the prisoners were needed. The pharmaceutical companies needed to know how many people might be injured by the drug, or how many lawsuits they might expect from angry customers.
The drug testing programs were welcomed by prison officials, who maintained ancient buildings dating back to the Civil War to house the prisoners, while they built themselves monumental new administration offices and other perquisites of the trade. In 1971, the New York State Prison System spent $5,500 a year for each prisoner in the system, of which 72 cents a day went for food, and 15 cents a day for clothing and other amenities. Of the budgeted $17 a day per prisoner, less than a dollar a day went for his physical maintenance. This was an essential part of a prison system which had been set up the Boss Tweed and which still offered many golden opportunities to those who were alert.
Only a few stories leaked out to the public during these postwar years. Prisons are closed systems and investigative reporters are rarely welcomed. One of the most horrifying, which would have shamed any Nazi doctor, came from Vacaville State Prison in California. Extensive testing programs had been carried out here for years. A few of the prisoners were paid $15 a month, but most of them received only a dollar a day. The victims reported an alarming list of results, such as heart damage, loss of hair, joint pains, swelling of the legs, shortness of breath and hemorrhages of the skin. One testing outfit, under the name of the Solano Institute for Medical and Physical Research, actually was able to set up its headquarters at the prison. Established as a nonprofit corporation under the California charitable trust law, the “Institute” subjected 1,500 prisoners to various types of injections. One prisoner who had been sent to Vacaville for “treatment” later sued the doctor, a leading dermatologist who was head of his professional association. The prisoner had been forced to take muscular injections of Lederle’s Caridase drug. This drug contained fibrinolytic enzymes which were intended for use as an anti-inflammatory agent. The patient testified that he had been seized by trustees and held while he was forcibly injected in both arms. He subsequently developed a near-fatal disease of the muscles and chronic stomach ulcers, while his weight dropped from 140 pounds to a mere 75 pounds. He received four dollars in compensation.
The King of the Prison Experiments was one Dr. Austin Stough. He had initiated contracts with the nation’s largest pharmaceutical manufacturers to carry out drug testing at a number of prisons in three southern states, Alabama, Arkansas and Oklahoma. The program, to test blood plasma, at its peak involved 137 prisons from 1963 to 1970 and was paid for by 37 drug companies, including such leading firms as Upjohn, Wyeth, Lederle, Squibb and Merck. Although the financial rewards were impressive, the results of the program proved inconclusive. The program was later criticized as operating under “gross mismanagement, sloppy handling and contamination” of test samples, criticism which put an end to the program. Hundreds of prisoners suffered from its after effects for years. Stough had set up a prison monopoly which brought in good returns until his methods were exposed as being worthless.
Despite the dramatic implications of the drug testing stories, they met with thunderous silence from the “bleeding hearts” of the nation’s media, perhaps because publicity about these programs might have raised conjecture as to why German doctors had been executed for the same practices. A survey of Readers Guide, the index to magazine articles printed throughout the United States, showed that from 1945 to 1970, during the height of the testing programs in the prisons, there were only three stories about it during this entire period. The first, a heart warming story in Coronet, November 1950, was titled “Prison Heroes Conquer Malaria,” a glowing account of experiments conducted at the Illinois State Prison at Joliet, where Dr. Fishbein himself had been overwhelmed by the “ethical” nature of the drug testing program. The second story, in the Saturday Evening Post, March 2, 1963, was titled “Convict Volunteers.” It too was an uncritical account of the drug experimenters, describing the prisoners as “human guinea pigs.” The journalist quoted one convict, who was deliberately burned on both arms, “The pain was pretty bad,” and mentioned other prisoners who had been injected with live cancer cells. Despite the fact that this story, written about inmates at the Ohio State Prison in Columbus, mentioned that these convicts did not receive any pay for submitting to these experiments (Ohio statutes piously forbid such payments, saving the drug companies even more money), the writer ends his article with a glowing tribute to the program, pointing out that it caused “the volunteers to feel self-respect.”
The third story, in Business Week, June 27, 1964, noted that the drug companies were able to save many millions of dollars by using the prisoners for drug experiments.